Skip to main content

Full text of "A History Of Egypt Vol II. The XVIIth And XVIIIth Dynasties"

See other formats 


A    HISTORY    OF    ECxYPT 

VOL.  II. 
THE  XVIlTH  AND  XVIIIxH  DYNASTIES 


This  Hisiofy  will  comprise  Seven   Volumes: 

Vol.  I.      Dynasties      I.-XVI.     By  W.  M.  F.  PETRIE 

Vol.  II.           „   XVII.-XVIII.     By  W.  M.  F.  PETRIE 

Vol.  III.  IV.     „    XVIII.-XXX.     By  W.  M.  F,  PETRIE 

Vol.  IV,  Ptolemaic  Egypt. 

Vol.  V.  Roman  Egypt.    By  J.  G.  MILNE 

Vol.  VI.  Arabic  Egypt.     By  STANLEY  LANE  POOLE 


PREFACE 

*     *       * 

THE  present  volume  of  the  history  of  Egypt  comprises 
only  a  short  period  of  a  few  centuries  ;  but  a  period 
which  is  more  full  of  material  than  any  other  age 
of  Egypt.  The  foreign  wars,  the  contact  with  other 
nations,  the  architectural  activity,  the  luxury  and 
brilliance  of  this  cycle,  all  render  it  the  most  attractive 
in  the  long  history  of  the  country. 

The  present  statement  of  the  material  is  therefore  on 
a  far  larger  scale  than  in  the  previous  volume  ;  the 
standard  of  leaving  no  fact  or  monument  referring  to 
the  regal  history  unnoticed,  having  been  maintained 
throughout. 

Such  a  text -book  is  of  necessity  only  a  work  of 
reference  in  many  parts  ;  but  general  observations  on 
the  condition  of  the  country,  and  the  circumstances 
of  the  rule,  have  given  scope  for  summarising  the 
view  suitably  for  the  historical  reader.  In  particular, 
the  decline  of  Egyptian  rule  in  Syria  has  been  for  the 
first  time  treated  as  a  consecutive  history. 

Regarding  the  references,  the  various  sources  have 
been  compared,  and  the  best  text  selected :  where 
accuracy  is  equal,  the  later  publications  and  the  English 
publications  have  been  preferred. 


viii  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

THE  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA        ....        259 
THE  GEOGRAPHY  OF  THE  SYRIAN   CAMPAIGNS  .  .        320 

RELATIONSHIPS  OF  THE  XVIITH   DYNASTY        .  .  -333 

THE   MUMMIES  OF   DEIR   EL   BAHRI         ,  .  .  -337 

ADDITIONAL  NOTES          ,„,...        341 
INDEX       ,-.-...         343 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 


FIG.  PAGE 

1.  Palette  of  Ta'aa.     Scale  J.     Louvre       ....  6 

2.  Throw-stick  of  Thuau.     Scale  TV     Ghizeh     ...  6 

3.  Coffin  of  Seqenenra.     Ghizeh          .         ,         .         .         .8 

4.  Gold  ring-  of  Aah'hotep.     Louvre    .         ,         .         .  9 

5.  Dagger  of  Aah'hotep.     Scale  f.     Ghizeh       .         .         .  11 

6.  Axe  of  Aah'hotep.     Scale  £.     Ghizeh      ,         .         .         .  n 

7.  Golden  boat  of  Kames.     Ghizeh     .         ,                 .         .  12 

8.  Axe  and  dagger  of  Kames.     Scale  |.     Ghizeh       .         .  14 

9.  Spear  head  of  Kames.     Scale  $.     Evans         ...  14 

10.  Scarab  of  Aahmes,     P.P.  Coll 36 

11.  Oxen  drawing  sledge.     Turrah.     (L.D.)        .         .         .  37 

12.  Coffin  of  Aahmes  Nefertari.     Ghizeh      ,         .         .         .  41 

13.  Statuette  of  Nefertari.     Turin 42 

14.  Plaque  of  Merytamen.     P.P.  Coll 43 

15.  Cartouche  of  Aahmes  'henfta'meh.     P.P.  Coll,       .         .  43 

16.  Figure  of  Aahmes 'sa 'pa 'ir.     P.P.  Coll.  ,         .         .         .  44 

17.  Cartouches  of  Araenhotep  I.     P.P.  Coll.         ...  45 

18.  Head  of  Amenhotep  I.     Turin.     (L.  D.).         .         .         .  47 

19.  Coffin  of  Amenhotep  I.     Ghizeh 49 

20.  Tablet  of  Amenhotep  I.     B.  Mus 51 

21.  Scarab  of  Aah'hotep.     P.P.  Coll 52 

22.  Paheri  nursing  Uazmes.     El  Kab.     (L,D.)     .         .         .  52 

23.  Scarab  of  Amenmes.     P.P.  Coll.     .        .        .         .        .  153 


24.  Scarab  of  Nebta.     P.P.  Coll 57 

25.  Sensenb.     Deir  el  Bahri 58 

26.  Tahutmes  I.     Deir  el  Bahri 63 

27.  Mummy  of  Tahutmes  I.     Ghizeh 64 

28.  Obelisk  of  Tahutmes  I.     Karnak 67 

29.  Scarabs  of  Tahutmes  I.     Louvre 69 

30.  Head  of  Queen  Aahmes.     Deir  el  Bahri          .         .         .  70 

31.  Head  of  Queen  Aahmes.     Deir  el  Bahri         ...  70 

32.  Ivory  wand  of  Aahmes.     Turin       .....  70 

33*  Queen  Mufnefert.     Ghizeh 71 

34-  Princess  Khebt'neferu.     Deir  el  Bahri.     (L.D.)     .         .  71 


x  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

FIG.  I'AGE 

35.  Mummy  of  Tahutmes  II.     Profile  and  front.     Ghizeh    .  74 

36.  Portrait  of  Tahutmes  II 75 

37.  Coffin  of  Tahutmes  II 75 

38.  Princess  Neferura.     Deir  el  Bahri.     (R.S.)     ...  77 

39.  Scarabs  of  Neferura.     P.P.  Coll ',J 

40.  Queen  Hatshepsut.     Deir  el  Bahri          ....  80 

41.  Sculpture  of  Deir  el  Bahri        .         .%  .         .         .  82 

42.  Ships  and  pile  houses  of  Punt.     Deir  el  Bahri.     (D.H.)  84 
43'  Egyptian  soldiers.     Deir  el  Bahri   .....  85 

44.  Statue  of  Senmut.     Berlin        ......         89 

45.  Tahutmes  II.  and  sacred  cow.     Deir  el  Bahri.     (D.H.)         91 

46.  Chair  of  Hatshepsut.     B.  Mus 92 

47.  Scarab  of  Hatshepsut  and  Usertesen  III.     Louvre         .         94 

48.  Gold  ring  of  Tahutmes  III.     P.P.  Coll 100 

49.  Tahutmes  III.     B.  Mus 102 

50.  Map  of  approach  to  Megiddo 104 

51.  Chiefs  "  smelling  the  ground. "  Qurneh  .         .         .        109 

52.  Chief  of  Tunep  and  artist.     Qurneh        .         .         .         .109 

53.  Syrian  chariot.     Rekhmara     .         .         .         .         .         .no 

54.  Syrian  captives  with  vases.     Rekhmara          .         .         .        in 

55.  Syrian  dishes   .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  .       .       1 1 1 

56.  Staff  with  human  head.     (Pr.  A.)    .         .         .         .         .       in 

57.  Chair.     Amen 'ken   . TII 

58.  Inlaid  table.     Amen 'ken  , in 

59.  Golden  dish.     Syria.     (Pr.  A.) 112 

60.  Jar  of  wine.     Rekhmara.         .         .         .         .         .         .112 

61.  Copper  vase.     Syria.     (Pr.  A.)        .         .         .         .         .        113 

62.  Cups  from  Syria.     (Pr.  A.)      .         .         .         ,         .         .114 

63.  Scarab  of  Tahutmes  III.     P.P.  Coll 114 

64.  Silver  vase.     Syria.     Rekhmara 116 

65.  Silver  rings.     Syria.     Rekhmara 117 

66.  Tribute  from  Punt.     Rekhmara       .         .         .         .         .117 

67.  Gold  vase.     Syria.     Rekhmara       .         .         .         .         .118 

68.  Bows.     Syria.     Amen'ken.      .         .         .         .         .         .119 

69.  Golden  lion's  head.     Syria.     Rekhmara          .         .         .120 

70.  Golden  deer's  head.     Syria.     (Pr.  A.)     .         ,         .         .        120 

71.  Shields.     Syria.     Amen'ken    .         .         .         .  .120 

72.  Quiver.     Syria.     Amen 'ken     .         .         .         .         .         .120 

73.  Bull's  head  vase.     Syria.     Rekhmara     .         .         .         .        121 

74.  Falchion.     Amen'ken 122 

75.  Suit  of  armour,     Amen'ken      .         .         .         „         .         .122 

76.  Silver  jug.     Syria.     Rekhmara       ,         .         .         .         .123 

77.  Elephant.     Syria.     Rekhmara         .         .         .         .         .124 

78.  Alabaster  vase,  Tahutmes  IU.     F.  P.  Coll.     „         .         .       126 

79.  Glass  bead,  Tahutmes  III.     F.P.  Coll.  .         .         „         .       127 

80.  Columns,  Tahutmes  III.     Karnak          .         .         .  129 

81.  Lotus  pillars,  Tahutmes  III.     Karnak    .        *         .         .       130 

82.  Comparative  diagram  of  obelisks    .         ;  .  1 32 

83.  Overseers  of  works.     Puanvra       .        .        .        .        .134 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS  xi 

FIG.  *AGE 

84.  Statue  of  Tahutmes  III.     Karnak          .         .         .         .  137 

85.  Drawing  board  in  squares.     B.  Mus 138 

86.  Glass  vase  of  Tahutmes  III.     (R.C.)     .         .         .         .  .139 

87.  Scarab  of  Tahutmes  III.     P.P.  Coll ,140 

88.  Rekh'ma-ra,  from  his  tomb.     Qurneh  ....  141 

89.  Head  of  Tahutmes  III.     DeirelBahri.         .         .      •   .  ,143 

90.  Hieratic  labels  of  Nebtau  and  Takhet a          .         .         .  145 

91.  Syrian  scarab  of  Tahutmes  III.     Long          ,         .         .  ,145 

92.  Usertesen  I.,  old  Egyptian  type ,148 

93.  Zey,  new  Egypto-Syrian  type        ,         .         ,         .         .149 

94.  Head  of  servant.     Khaemhat.  (Pr.A,).         .         .         .  150 

95.  Head  of  priestess.     (Pr.A.) 151 

96.  Amenhotep  II.  and  nurse.     (L.D.)         .         .         .         .  154 

97.  Head  of  Amenhotep  II.     Karnak.         .         .         .         .  156 

98.  Kneeling  statue  of  Amenhotep  II.     (L.D.)    .         .         .  160 

99.  Scarab  of  Amenhotep  II.  as  a  hawk.     P.P.  Coll,           .  162 
100.  Scarab  of  Amenhotep  II.  with  uraei.     B.  Mus.      .         .  162 
joi.  Scarab  of  Amenhotep  II.,  born  at  Memphis.     F. P.  Coll.  162 

102.  Glass  and  stone  vases.     Ra.     (Pr.A.)  .         .         .         .163 

103.  Boy  shooting  at  a  target.     (D.E.)         ....  166 

104.  Head  of  Tahutmes  IV.     (L.D.) ,168 

105.  Group  of  tied  lotus,  early.     (L.D.)         .         .         .  .169 

106.  Group  of  tied  lotus,  late.     (L.D.) 169 

107.  Scarab  of  Tahutmes  IV.     F.  P.  Coll 171 

1 08.  Scarab  of  Tahutmes  IV.     F.  P.  Coll.      ....  171 

109.  Ring  of  Tahutmes  IV.     F.  P.  Coll.         ....  ,171 
no.  Tahutmes  IV.  offering  to  Osiris.     (M.A.)     .         .         .  ,172 
in.  Queen  Mutemua.     (L.D.) 173 

112.  Head  of  Amenhotep  III.     (C.M.) 177 

1 13.  Amenhotep  III.  and  his  ka.     (L.D.)      ....  178 

114.  Chariot  of  Khaemhat.     (L.D.) J79 

115.  Head  of  Tyi.     F. P.  Coll.     (P.A.).         ....  182 

1 16.  Head  of  man  of  Ynuamu.     (P.  A.)  .         .         .         .182 

117.  Head  of  Nefertiti.     Amherst.     (P. A.)   ....  182 

118.  Head  of  Amenhotep  III.     (L.D.) 184 

119.  Amenhotep  III.  on  his  throne.     Khaemhat.     (L.D.)     .  186 

120.  Amenhotep  III.     B.  Mus 188 

121.  Colonnade  at  Luqsor     .         .         .         .         .         .         .  191 

122.  Ram  from  Napata,     Berlin .194 

123.  Pottery  and  silver  rings,  Amenhotep  III.     F. P.  Coll.  .  195 

124.  Large  motto  scarabs  of  Amenhotep  III.     F.  P.  Coll.    ,  195 
12$.  Head  of  Khaemhat.     Berlin 199 

126.  Head  of  Amenhotep  III.     (L.D.) 202 

127.  Court  artist  Auta,  painting,     (L.D.)     ....  204 

128.  Head  of  Amenhotep  IV.     (L.D.) 208 

129.  Head  of  Amenhotep  IV.     (Pr.  M.) 209 

130.  Amenhotep  IV.  supporting  the  Aten.     F.P.  Coll.          .  210 

131.  Cartouches  of  Aten.     (P.  A.).         .....  212 

132.  Akhenaten  and  Nefertiti.     (L.D.).                         .        .  213 


xii  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

FIG.  PAGE 

133.  Akhenaten,  Nefertiti,  and  daughters.     (L.D.)      .         ,  217 

134.  Group  of  women,     (L.D.) 219 

135.  Foliage  on  column.     (P. A.) 219 

136.  School  of  music  and  dancing,     (L.D.)  .         .         .         ,  222 

137.  Ushabti  of  Akhenaten.     P.P.  Coll 222 

138.  Head  of  Akhenaten.     Louvre 224 

139.  Scarabs  of  Amenhotep  IV.     F. P.  Coll.          .         .         .225 

140.  Group  of  scribes.     Florence 228 

141.  Death  cast  of  Akhenaten.     Ghizeh        ....  230 

142.  Nefertiti  offering1.     Amherst.     (P. A.)    ....  230 

143.  Princesses  and  Nezenvmut.     (L.D.)              .         .         .  232 

144.  Rings  of  Ankh'kheperu'ra.     (P. A.)       ....  234 

145.  Rings  of  Ankh  "kheperu 'ra.     (P. A,)                 ...  234 

146.  Ring  of  Merfaten.     (P. A.) 234 

147.  Head  of  Tutankhamen.     (L.D.)    .....  236 

148.  Rings  of  Tutankhamen.     (P.  A.) 236 

149.  Ring  of  Ankhsenamen.     (P. A.) 237 

150.  Pendant  of  Tutankhamen.    (M.S.)        .  237 

151.  Alabaster  vase  of  Tutankhamen.     F.  P.  Coll.        .         .  237 

152.  Ring  of  Tutankhamen.     F.  P.  Coll 238 

153.  Head  of  Queen  Ty.     (L.D.) 239 

154.  Ay  and  Ty,  from  their  tomb.     Dr.  May         ,         .         .  240 

155.  Scarab  of  Ay.     F.  P.  Coll 242 

156.  Head  of  Horemheb.     (L.D.)          .....  245 

157.  Negroes  and  Asiatics  adoring.     (Pr.  A. )       .         .         .  249 

158.  Ring  of  Nezenvmut.     F.  P.  Coll 250 

159.  Scarab  of  Horemheb.     F. P.  Coll.  .         .         .251 

160.  Head  of  Horemheb.     (R.A.).         .....  253 

161.  Negroes,  Silsileh.     (L.D.)     .....         .  254 

162.  Map  of  Syria,  under  Amenhotep  IV.      ....  319 

163.  Southern  Syria  under  Tahutmes  III.               .         .         .  324 

164.  Map  of  Northern  Syria           ......  330  a 


LIST    OF   ABBREVIATIONS 


A L'Anthropologie  (Journal). 

A.B.    .  .  .  Arundale  and  Bonomi  Gallery  (Brit.  Mus.). 

A.  E.    .  .  .  L'Arche^ologie  Egyptienne  (Maspero). 

A.L.    .  .  .  Archseologia,  London,  Society  of  Antiquaries. 

A,  Mus.  .  .  Ashmolean  Museum. 

A,R.    .  .  .  Archaeological  Report,  Egypt  Exploration  Fund. 

A.Z.    .  .  .  Zeitschrift  Aeg,  Sprache. 

B.A.G.  .  .  Berlin  Anthrop.  Gesellsch. 

B.C.    ...  „       Catalogue,  1894. 

Bd.A. .  .  .  Breasted,  Hymn  to  Aten. 

B.E.    .  .  .  Baedeker,  Egypt. 

Berl.    .  .  .  Berlin  Museum. 

B.G.    .  .  .  Brugsch,  Geographic. 

B.G.I.  .  .  „         Geog.  Inschrift. 

B.H.   .  .  .  „          History. 

B.I.E.  .  .  Bulletin  Inst.,  Egypt. 

B.I.H.D.  .  Birch,  Inscr.  Hieratic  Demotic. 

B.M.C.  .  .  Bliss,  Mound  of  many  Cities. 

B.  Mus.  .  .  British  Museum. 

B.O  D.  .  .  Bezold,  Oriental  Diplomacy. 

B.P.    .  .  .  Birch,  Pottery. 

B.R.    .  .  .  Brugsch,  Recueil. 

B.R.P.  .  .  Birch,  Two  Rhind  Papyri. 

B.Rs.  .  .  .  Brugsch,  Reiseberichte. 

B.T.    .  .  .  ,,         Thesaurus. 

B.X.    .  .  .  Burton,  Excerpta. 

C.B.    .  .  .  Champollion,  Lettre  Due  Blacas. 

C.E.    .  .  .  Chabas,  Melanges  Egypt. 

C.F.    .  .  .  Champollion,  Figeac  Egypt.  Anc. 

C.L.    ...  „  Lettres,  ed.  1868. 

C.M.  ...  ,,  Monuments. 

C.N.   .  .  .  „             Notices. 

C.O.E.  .  .  Congr^s  Oriental,  St.  Etienne,  1878. 

D.D.  ,  .  .  Duemichen,  Baugesch.  Denderatempels, 

D.  E.    .  .  .  Description  de  1'Egypte, 


xiv  LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS 

D.F.    .     .  .  Duemichen,  Flotte. 
D.H.  ...               „           Histor.  Insclir. 

D.O.   .     ..  .               „           Oasen. 

E.  Coll.    .  .  Edwards  Collection. 

E.G.    .     .  .  Ebers,  Gozen  zum  Sinai. 

E.  L.     .     .  .  Etudes  ded.  Leemans. 

F.  H.    .     .  .  Fraser,  Graffiti  of  Hat-nub. 
F.  Mus.    .  .  Florence  Museum. 

F.  P.  Coll.  .  Flinders  Petrie  Collection. 
G.Bh. .     .  .  Griffith,  Beni  Hasan. 

G.  Coll.   .  .  Grant  Collection. 

G.  H.    .     .  .  Golenischeff,  Hammamat. 

G.K.   .     .  .  Griffith,  Kahun  Papyri. 

G.  Mus.   .  .  Ghizeh  Museum. 

G.N.    .     .  .  Gardner,  Naukratis  ii. 

G.O.    .     .  .  Gorringe,  Egyptian  Obelisks. 

G.S.    .     .  .  Griffith,  Siut. 

H.B.    ...  Hawkins,  Belmore  Tablets  (Brit.  Mus.). 

H.  Coll.   .  .  Hilton  Price  Collection. 

J.A.I.  .     .  .  Jour.  Anthrop.  Institute. 

L.A.    .     .  .  Lepsius,  Auswahl. 

Lb.  D.      .  .  Lieblein,  Dictionary  of  Names. 

Lb.  P.       .  .            ,,         St.  Petersburg-. 

L.C.    .     .  .  Leyden  Congress. 

L.D.    .     .  .  Lepsius,  Denkmaler. 

L.  K.    .  ,,         Konigsbuch. 

L.L.     ...  „         Letters  (English  edit.). 

L.  Mus.    .  .  Leyden  Museum. 

L.T.    .     .  .  Lanzone,  Catalogue  of  Turin. 

M.A.   .     .  .  Mariette,  Catalogue  Abydos. 

M.A.  ii.    .  .            ,,          Abydos  ii. 

M.A.B.    .  .            ,,          Album  de  Boulaq. 

M.A. F.     .  .  Mission  Archeol.  Franc.,  Cairo. 

M.B.   .     .  .  Mariette,  Catal.  Boulaq,  6th  edit. 

M.  Coll.  .  .  Murch  Collection  (Chicago). 

M,D.  .     .  .  Monuments  Divers. 

M.D.B.    .  .  Mariette,  Deir  el  Bahri. 

M.E.  .     .  .  Muse*e  Egyptian. 

M.E.E.    .  .  Maspero,  Etudes  Egypt. 

Mel.    .     .  .  Melanges  d'Arch.  Egypt  (Maspero). 

M.F.D.    .  .  De  Morgan,  Fouilles  a  Dashur. 

M.G.  .     .  ,  Meyer,  Geschichte. 

M.I.    .     .  ,.  De  Morgan,  Monuments  et  Inscriptions* 

M.K.  .     .  .  Mariette,  Karnak. 

M.M.  .     .  .           „        Mastabas. 

M.S.    ...  ,,         Serapeum. 

M.S.  Ms.  .  ,       ,,         Serapeum,  ed.  Maspero. 

Ms.  A.     .  .  Maspero,  L'Arch£ologie  Egypt.  * 

Ms.  C.     .  .            ,,         Contes  Populaires. 


LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS  xv 

Ms.  E.     .  .  Maspero,  Enquete  Judicaire. 

Ms.  G.     ,  .  ,,         Guide  Bulaq. 

Ms.  M.    .  .  ,,         Momies  de  Deir  el  Bahari. 

Ms.  M.P.L.  ,,         Mem.  Papyr.  Louvre. 

My.  E,     .  .  Murray,  Egypt. 

N.A.         .  .  Naville,  Ahnas. 

N.A.P.     .  .  ,,        Ahnas,  Paheri. 

N.Aeg.    .  .  Nicholson,  Aegyptiaca. 

N.B.    .     .  .  Naville,  Bubastis. 

N.D.B.    .  .  ,,        DeirelBahri. 

N.Bh.      .  -  Newberry,  Beni  Hasan. 

O.  Coll.   .  .  Owen's  College,  Manchester. 

O.T.    ,     .  .  Orcurti,  Catalogue  Turin. 

P.  A.    .     .  .  Petrie,  Tell  el  Amarna. 

P.H          .  .  ,,        Hawara. 

P.I.     .  .  „        Illahun. 

P.K.    .     .  .  ,,       Kahun. 

P.L.    .  .  Pierret,  Louvre  Catalogue,  Salle  historique. 

P.M.   .     .  .  Petrie,  Medum. 

P.  Mus.    .  .  Paris  (Louvre)  Museum. 

P.N.    .     .  '  ,  Petrie,  Nebesheh. 

P. O.K.    .  .  Prokesch  van  Osten,  Nilfahrt. 

P.P.    .     .  .  Petrie,  Pyramids  of  Gizeh. 

P.R,    .     .  .  Pierret,  Recueil  Inscrip.  Louvre. 

P.S.     .     .  .  Petrie,  Season  1887. 

P.Sc.  ...  ,,       Scarabs. 

P.T.  i.andii.  ,,       Tanis,  i.  and  ii. 

Pap.  T.    .  .  Papyri  of  Turin,  Pleyte  and  Rossi. 

Ph.  Miis.  .  Philadelphia  Museum. 

Pr.  A.       .  '  .  Prisse,  Art. 

Pr.  M.  ,,       Monuments. 

R.A.    .     ,  .  De  Rouge\  Album. 

R.C.   .     .  .  Revue  Critique. 

•  R.E.    .     .  .  De  Rouge^  Etudes  Egypt. 

R.L.    .     .  .  Rosellini,  Mon.  Civili. 

K'M.L.    .  .  De  Roug£,  Monuments  Egn.  du  Louvre. 
R.P.  i.  toxviii.  Records  of  the  Past,  series  I.  i.-xii,;  series  II.  i.-vi. 

R.R.    .     .  .  Rosellini,  Mon.  Religious  (del  Culto). 

R.S.    .     .  .  ,,         Mon.  Storici. 

R.S.D.     .  .  De  Roug£,  Six  Dynasties. 

Rec.    .     .  .  Recueil  de  Trauvaux,  Egypt. 

Rev.  A.   .  .  Revue  Archseologique. 

S.B.A.     ,  .  Soc.  Biblical  Archaeol.  Proceedings. 

S.B.A.T.  .  ,,           lf              ,,         Transactions. 

S.Cat.  F.  .  Schiaparelli,  Catalogue  Florence. 

S.I.     .     .  .  Sharpe,  Inscriptions. 

S.N.    .  .  Stuart,  Nile  Gleanings. 

S.S.     .     „  .  Schuckhardt,  Schliemann. 

S.S.A,      .  .  Schack-Schackenborg,  Unterw.  des  K.  Amenemhat. 


xvi  LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS 

S.T.    .     .  .  Schiaparelli,  Tomba  Herchuf. 

T.  Mus.  .  .  Turin  Museum. 

T.P.    .     .  .  „      Papyrus. 

V.G.    .     .  .  Virey,  Catalogue  Ghizeh. 

V.P.    .     .  .  Vyse,  Pyramids. 

W.G.  .     .  .  Wiedemann,  Geschichte. 

W.G.S.    .  .  ,,                 ,,            Supplement. 

W.M.C.  .  .  Wilkinson,  Manners  and  Customs,  ed.  Birch. 

W.T.  ...  „          Thebes 

The  above  works,  and  others,  can  be  consulted  in  the  Edwards 
Library  9  University  College,  London* 


A    HISTORY    OF    EGYPT 


SEVENTEENTH    DYNASTY 

THE  rise  of  this  dynasty  is  wholly  lost  to  sight  under 
the  Hyksos  power.  It  is  only  with  the  later  kings  who 
began  to  assert  their  independence,  or  perhaps  with  the 
intermarriage  of  an  invading  and  assertive  family  from 
the  south,  that  any  historical  personages  appear.  The 
details  of  the  relationships  involve  so  many  considera- 
tions, and  so  much  acquaintance  with  the  family,  that 
it  is  better  to  study  them  after  an  outline  of  the  period  ; 
they  are  therefore  placed  here  at  the  end  of  this 
volume,  and  should  be  referred  to  for  seeing  the  reasons 
for  the  arrangement  adopted. 

'So  far  as  the  details  are  yet  known,  it  appears  that 
the  royal  family  at  the  close  of  the  XVIIth  dynasty 
stands  thus — 


=  *Aah*hotep  I.      =     Seqenenra  III. 


Ka-mes     S'khent'neb'ra     Aah'mes  I.  =  *Nefertari 

i 

*Aah'hotep  II.  =  Amenhotep  I.  =  Setrsenb 

1 — i    i 

*Aahmes  =  Tatiutmes  I. 
II — I 


2  SEVENTEENTH  DYNASTY 

In  order  to  see  how  far  the  ages  and  other  data 
agree,  it  is  best  to  tabulate  the  chronology  ;  not  as 
laying  down  what  is  certain,  but  only  as  proving  that 
no  hidden  discordance  lies  in  what  is  already  supposed 
to  be  ascertained.  The  fixed  points  that  we  have  to 
deal  with  are  the  lengths  of  the  reigns  of  Aahmes  and 
Amenhotep, —  the  ages  of  Seqenenra  and  Aahmes 
(about  40  and  55  respectively  at  death,  see  Ms.  M. 
528,  535), — the  successive  marriages  of  Aah'hotep, — 
the  eight  princes  and  princesses  who  were,  some,  or 
all,  probably  her  children  after  the  birth  of  those  who 
came  to  the  throne, — and  the  general  presumption  of 
the  ages  of  marriage.  We  see  in  the  following  table, 
that  there  will  be  nothing  contradictory  among  these 
data ;  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  very  uncertain 
length  of  the  short  reigns  of  Kames  and  S'khent'neb'ra 
(for  which  an  assumption  has  been  made,  regulated 
by  the  age  and  family  of  their  mother),  there  is  pro- 
bably not  much  uncertainty  in  these  statements. 


SEVENTEENTH  DYNASTY 


rfJvSvovo 

^  ON  o*\  ^oo  oo  vo  ^~ 

*        X  O 

g  S  "  ° 

-S^i 

o  Nefertari 

SuS^fr 

isfti 

j  «  <2  os  5 
6t/!<c^<3 

vo  QO  o  f»  -^t- 

M     1-1     CS     W     CS 

mes  and  Skhentn< 
eir  children.  On 
mated,  in  order 
certain,  as  will 

w 

Cfi 

w                     *O 

0)                            0) 

^f!^ 

<L> 

B 
1 

0 

"C                     ^ 

S                             0    « 

e             ».« 

C                      cn-o 

8         ^^^ 

*°*& 

2rC     *     M 

&ti    4)'" 

.2r-=;  u  en 

(y  J3    rt,   ^_i 
U           ri    O 

1 

C/3 

i1!* 

^^^5 

c 

T3 

0.«  JC3. 

1 

-«l" 

1 

o 

8     S 

en      *3 

00         ^ 
N           CO 

•s|^ 

il^l 

tv      nj 

V) 

1) 

w 

1 

g'-gts 

jaS-o-s 

I 

§      .8 

<n           TJ 

3£H 

o  ^  n 

Tj-                   O 

0^  ^    (0 

O 

N                   CO 

rt  J3    g    4; 

A 

<*  1  • 

H^l£ 

c/3        C   tt  <U  2 

1 

I<-H 

^=1 

1 

'   .g  8  c  g  ?  t 

Eijj|*| 

vo               •                    <u 
""                              .'5 

5  b/)  £  ^ 
c  rt  jn  u 

Jb 

o  6  w  en  «£  6  £ 

.s                  ^ 

sl^ 

4 

IOVO  00    O    M    Th 

O     M     >-.     «     N     Ct     W 

1             &J^^ 

o  8  ^*c 

*3        fe   ® 

1 

.§ 

3 

I'.ctsrii 

S 

e         S 

«  § 

g^^ 

1 

'•*        s 

fe  =3 

w  O  flj    • 

w 

o             ?!  3" 

1  * 

*2  "5  ^»  ^  O 

t^N  M 

!l 

VO  VO  vo  vS  vo  vo  vo 

S  SS^R'S^St 

III  N 

4  SEVENTEENTH  DYNASTY  CDW.  xvn. 

We  may  now  approximately  arrange  the  reigns  and 
dates  of  the  XVIIth  dynasty— 

B.C, 

about 

XVII.  (Beginning- of  dynasty)  ....  1738 

1660 
5.  ?  Se'qeneirra  (I.)  Ta'aa 

6.  Se-qenen-ra  (II.)  Ta'aa'aa 

1610 

7.  Se-qeneivra  (III.)  Ta'aa-ken 

'597 

8.  Uaz'kheper'ra  Ka'mes 

1591 

9.  Se*khent*neb*ra 

1587 

XVIII.  Aahmes 

1562 

Of  the  earlier  part  of  this  dynasty  we  know  nothing. 
The  resemblance  of  Seqenenra  III.  to  the  Berber  type 
points  to  these  kings  having  come  down  from 
Ethiopia.  A  new  dynasty  beginning  with  Aahmes 
seems  to  have  been  due  to  the  break  in  the  family, 
he  being  descended  of  an  Egyptian  and  not  an 
Ethiopian  father.  This  dynasty,  then,  would  seem  to 
have  been  descended  from  a  part  of  the  royal  Egyptian 
line  which  had  taken  refuge  in  the  far  south  to  escape 
from  the  Hyksos  oppression  ;  and  was  there  mingled 
with  southern  blood,  and  became  of  the  dark  Berber 
type.  As  the  Hyksos  power  decayed,  this  southern 
family  fought  its  way  northward  again,  and  so  laid 
the  foundation  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty.  For  the  date 
of  the  beginning  of  this  dynasty  we  have  only  the 
statement  of  Manetho,  which  gives  151  years  for  the 
duration  of  it.  Of  the  first  eighty  years,  or  so,  we 
have  no  names  remaining ;  perhaps  they  should  be 
sought  in  Nubia  rather  than  in  Egypt,  as  there  is  no 
allusion  to  tombs  of  the  predecessors  of  the  Seqenenras 
at  Thebes. 

Rahotep,  as  we  have  noticed  in  vol.  i.,  belongs  to 


B.C.  1738-1587.]         SEVENTEENTH  DYNASTY  5 

the  XVIth  rather  than  to  the  XVIIth  dynasty,  as  he 
reigned  at  Koptos,  and  therefore  quite  under  the 
Hyksos  power.  This  points  to  his  being*  a  vassal  under 
the  great  Hyksos  kings,  and  not  one  of  the  fighting 
family  who  ejected  them,  as  there  is  no  place  for  him 
anywhere  in  the  later  part  of  this  dynasty  when  it  was 
becoming  independent, 

We-  will  now  notice  the  actual  remains  of  these  kings 
before  proceeding  to  notice  their  great  work  of  ex- 
pelling the  Hyksos. 


about 

1660- 
i63s  B.C. 


f      n 2  N  about 

XVII.  5?  SE-QENEN'RA!      Q     '   AA/WVA  ^/j      I    1660- 
v ! — ™z* >1i6i<  B.( 

/  '   ^     «.~^J 
[      r-YO          n      I 

V  «   i   «  fl_^ 


TA-AA 


Palette  (Louvre)                      (C.M.  191  bis,  3). 

Throw-stick  Draa-abul-neg-a         (M.D.  51). 

Abbott  papyrus  (Ms.  E.  230). 

£ueen,  Aah'hotep. 

Idest  son,  Aahmes  (died  young)                     (Rec.  xi.  1 59). 

Son,  Thuau.  (M.D.  51,  b  i). 
Daughter,  Aahmes. 

The  existence  of  this  king,  as  separate  from  his 
successors,  is  shown  by  the  Abbott  papyrus  containing 
the  Ramesside  inspection  of  the  royal  tombs.  His 
tomb  is  there  named  ;  and  it  is  followed  by  that  of 
Sekenenra  Ta'aa'aa,  or  the  great  Ta'aa,  whose  name 
we  might  otherwise  have  supposed  to  be  a  variant 
of  Ta'aa,  remembering  the  confusion  of  the  Antef 
names.  This  king's  tomb  is  named  next  after  that  of 
Sebek'enrsauf,  and  is  described  thus:  "The  tomb  of 
king  (Seqenenra),  son  of  the  sun  (Ta'aa),  examined 
this  day  by  the  masons,  was  found  intact. "  The  only 
contemporary  objects  bearing  the  king's  name  are  a 
palette  in  the  Louvre,  on  which  he  is  said  to  be  beloved 


SE-QENEN-RA  I 


[DYN.  XVIL  5, 


of  Amen  *ra  and  of  Safekh  ;  a  throw-stick  found  in  the 
tomb  of  Aqrhor  at  Draa-abul-nega,  which  bears  the 
cartouche  Ta*aa,  and  the  name  of  the  king's  son 
Thuau ;  and  an  important  statue  of  the  king's  eldest 


FIG.  i.— Palette  of  Ta-aa. 
i :  2.    Louvre. 

son  Aahmes,  deceased,  made 

by    his    father    Ta'aa  a,    his 

mother  the  king's  daughter 

and    queen    Aalrhotep,   and 

his  sister   Aahmes  (Rec.  xi. 

159).     Though  at  first  sight 

these    names    Aahmes    and 

Aahhotep  would  seem  to  point 

to  this   being  of  Ta'aa*qen, 

yet  we  have  to  balance  the  probability  of  the  Aah  names 

having  been  earlier  in  use  in  the  family,  against  the 

improbability  of  Ta*aa*qen  being  written  without  his 


FIG.  2.— Throw -stick 
of  Thuau.  i  :  is. 
Ghizeh. 


B.C.  «66o-i635*3 


SE'QENEN'RA  I 


distinctive  title  qen>  and  being  thus  confused  with  his 
ancestors.  This  monument  seems,  then,  rather  to 
belong  to  Ta'aa,  whose  name  is  on  it,  than  to  either  of 
the  following  kings. 


XVII.  6? 

SE'QENEN'RA 
TA'AA  *AA 


Q 


3 
3 


about  1635 
1610  B.C. 


Of  this  king  nothing  is  known  except  the  mention 
of  his  tomb  in  the  Abbott  papyrus.  Following  the 
account  of  his  predecessor's  tomb,  we  read :  "The  tomb 
of  the  king  (Se*qenen*ra),  son  of  the  sun  (Taaii'aa),  who 
is  the  second  king  (Ta'aa),  examined  on  this  day  by 
the  masons,  was  found  intact." 


XVII.  7?       f~ 

SE'QENEN'RA  I       ^ 

TA-AA.QEN 


R 


Wl 


3 


Deir  el  Bahri 


— ; — M 
A      i 

"*"* — S\ 


(Ms.  M.  526). 


Coffin  and  mummy 
Queen,  Aah'hotep. 

Coffin      ^        *>  (  Ms.  G.  77-84. 

Canopicjars   >      Draa-abttl-nega     <  M.B.  810-839. 
Jewellery        )      Ghizeh  Mus.  ( 

Gold  ring  Louvre  P.  Sc.  760. 

C  h  tfcfrm— Nefert  *ari. 

And  by  the  sequence  in  the  tomb  of  Khabekht  probably 
also   Binpu,   Uazmes,    Rames,    Kenaru,  Aahmes, 
*Ka'mes,  *Sat'ir'bau,  *Ta'khred-qa. 
(of  Aah'hotep  by  previous  husband, 
Kamcs,  Se'khent'neb'ra,  Aahmes). 

The  coffin  and  mummy  of  this  king  were  found  in  the 
great  deposit  of  royal  mummies  in  the  tomb  at  Deir  el 
Bahri  or  "the  northern  convent"  at  Thebes,  The  out- 


SE-QENEN-RA  III 


[D¥N.  xvn.  7. 


line  of  this  discovery  is  given  at  the  close  of  this  volume. 
The  body  of  Seqenenra  had  probably  been  shifted  from 
one  hiding-place  to  another,  like  the  bodies  and  coffins 
of  the  other  kings  whose  removals  are  inscribed  upon 
them.  Lastly,  it  was  laid  in  the  tomb  of  the  priest-kings 
until  removed  to  the  museum  at  Cairo. 

The  coffin  is  heavy  in  style,  like  those  of  the  Antefs,  . 
with  a  single  line  of  inscription   down  the  front.     The 
mummy  shows  that  the  king  died  on  the  field  of  battle. 
From  the  position  of  the  wounds,  it  appears  that  he  was 

first  struck  down 
by  an  enemy  on 
his  left  hand,  who 
attacked  him  by  a 
violent  blow  on 
the  side  of  the 
head  in  front  of 
the  ear,  and  the 
tongue  was  bitten 
between  the  teeth 
in  the  agony  of 
the  conflict ;  the 
next  stroke  was 
mortal,  an  axe 
crashed  through 
the  left  side  of 
the  head,  leaving 
an  opening  two 
inches  long ;  and  a 
dagger-cut  above 
the  right  eyebrow 
completed  the  attack.  The  body  was  recovered  by  his 
subjects,  and  reverently  preserved  for  embalming  and 
burial.  Closely  wrapped  up,  so  that  the  soft  parts 
putrefied  instead  of  drying  in  the  open  air,  it  was 
carried  for  many  days  to  Thebes,  where  it  was  as  fully 
preserved  as  the  condition  of  it  allowed  ;  but  the  bones 
of  the  body  and  the  left  arm  were  entirely  bared  of 
flesh.  The  king  appears  to  have  been  of  the  Berber 
type,  tall,  slender,  and  vigorous,  with  a  small,  long 


FIG.  3. — Coffin  of  Seqenenra.   Ghizeh. 


B.C.  1610-1597.] 


SE-QENEN-RA  III 


head,  and  fine  black  hair.  The  beard  was  shaved,  but 
not  the  hair  of  the  head  (Ms.  M.  527,  771,  776;  pi.  iii.). 
A  rude  stone  seal  found  at  Thebes  may  belong"  to  this, 
or  to  a  previous  king  Seqenenra. 

His  wife  Aah'hotep  was  one  of  the  great  queens  of 
Egyptian  history,  important  as  the  historic  link  of  the 
dynasties,  and  revered  along  with  her 
still  more  celebrated  and  honoured 
daughter  Nefertari.  We  have  already 
noticed  how  her  son  Aahmes  (so  de- 
scribed on  Edfu  stele,  Rec.  ix.  93,  Ms. 
M.  626)  was  of  the  ordinary  Egyptian 
complexion,  while  her  daughter  Nefertari 
(so  placed  in  the  series  of  Khabekht, 
L.D.  iii.  2a,  and  called  royal  daughter) 
was  black.  As  Seqenenra  was  Berber, 
Nefertari  might  be  three-quarters  black ; 
while  Aahmes,  if  son  of  an  Egyptian 
husband,  might  be  three-quarters  Egyptian,  thus 
accounting  for  the  difference.  The  age  of  Aahmes 
at  his  accession,  after  the  insignificant  reigns  of  his 
brothers,  shows  that  he  was  the  son  of  a  first  husband, 
implying  that  Aatrhotep  first  married  an  Egyptian, 
and  secondly,  Seqenenra.  The  importance  of  Nefertari 
as  heiress  shows  that  the  queen  had  no  daughter  by 
her  first  husband.  The  reign  of  Kames  before  Aahmes 
shows  that  he  was  the  elder  brother.  And  the  presence 
of  Se-khent-neb'ra  between  Aahmes  and  Kames  (tomb 
of  Khabekht,  L.D.  iii.  2a)  shows  that  he  was  another 
brother,  who  probably  reigned  briefly  between  them. 
Thus  we  reach  the  relationships. 


FIG.  4.— Gold  ring 
of  Aah'hotep. 
Louvre. 


x = Aah'hotep 


Kames 


! 

Sekhentnebra 


Aahmes 


= Seqenenra 
Nefer-tari 


Though  the  reasons  for  this  arrangement  are  not 
very  strong,  yet  there  are  no  objections  to  it  so  far 
known,  and  the  resulting  chronology  is  not  discordant. 


10  -  SE'QENEN'RA  III  [DVN.  xvn.  7. 

Two  documents  serve  to  show  the  long  life  of  the 
queen.  A  Theban  stele  of  Kames  (Rec.  ix.  94)  states, 
in  the  tenth  year  of  Amenhotep  I.,  that  Aah'hotep  I.,  the 
royal  mother,  was  still  acting.  According  to  the  dates, 
she  would  then  be  eighty-eight  years  old ;  and  this 
cannot  be  abbreviated,  as  it  is  made  up  of  fixed  amounts, 
the  birth  of  Aahmes  (second  or  third  son)  about  her 
twentieth  year,  his  fifty-five  years  of  life  (Ms.  M.  535), 
and  the  ten  years  of  reign  of  Amenhotep.  The  other 
stele,  of  lufi  (Rec.  ix.  92),  appears  to  show  that  Aah'hotep 
was  still  alive  under  Tahutmes  I.,  when  she  must  have 
been  about  a  hundred  years  old.  She  must  certainly 
have  had,  therefore,  a  long  life,  and  have  seen  the  whole 
revolution  of  the  rise  of  Egypt, — born  under  Hyksos 
rule,  and  dying  with  the  wealth  of  Asia  around  her,  won 
by  her  son,  grandson,  and  great-grandson. 

The  name  of  Aah'hotep  is  familiar  in  connection  with 
the  beauty  of  her  jewellery,  which,  till  the  discoveries 
at  Dahshur,  has  been  an  unique  treasure.  The  coffin 
containing  the  mummy  and  jewellery  was  found  slightly 
buried  in  the  ground  at  Draa-abul-Nega,  the  northern 
and  most  ancient  end  of  the  cemetery  of  Thebes,  where 
lie  the  tombs  of  the  Xlth  dynasty.  It  is  certain  that 
such  was  not  its  original  site,  and  that  it  must  have 
been  taken  from  a  royal  tomb.  By  whom  ?  Not  by 
the  Arab  plunderers  of  the  Deir  el  Bahri  tomb,  as  has 
been  suggested  ;  nor  by  any  regular  tomb  thieves,  sucfr 
as  plundered  the  tombs  in  the  Ramesside  age.  Neither 
of  such  parties  would  encumber  themselves  with 
moving  a  great  coffin  and  a  mummy,  when  all  the 
valuables  might  be  gathered  up  in  a  few  minutes 
and  put  into  a  bag.  Such  a  reburial  of  an  intact 
mummy  in  its  heavy  case,  shows  a  care  and  respect 
for  it  such  as  no  plunderer  would  have  had.  Rather 
must  it  have  been  taken  out  of  the  tomb  by  pious  hands, 
when  the  disorganisation  of  government  could  no  longer 
protect  the  tombs  from  thieves  or  foes,  and  have  been 
committed  unmarked  and  unseen  to  the  safe  keeping  of 
the  earth,  for  fear  of  the  fate  which  awaited  it  if  left  in 
the  well-known  tomb.  It  was  a  part  of  that  care  for 


B.C.  1610-1597.] 


AAH-HOTEP  I 


the  royal  dead  which  led  to  the  kings  being  moved  from 
tomb  to  tomb,  and  lastly  hidden  at  Deir  el  Bahri.     How 


FIG.  5.— Inlaid  dagger  of  Queen 
Aah'hotep.     Scale,  2  : 5. 


FIG.  6. — Inlaid  axe  of  Queen 
Aalrhotep.    Scale,  i :  5. 


SE-QENEN-RA  III 


[DYN.  xvn.  7. 


many  more  of  the  royal  tombs  may  have  been  thus 
emptied,  and  their  contents  safely  hidden  in  the  sand, 
we  may  never  know  or  suspect.  This  coffin  was  only 
found  accidentally  by  some  natives  in  1860 ;  was  con- 
fiscated by  the  Mudir  of  Qeneh,  and  lastly  seized  by 
Mariette  for  the  new  museum. 

The  coffin  of  wood  is  plain  in  the  body  and  coloured 
blue.  The  lid  is  massive,  entirely  gilt,  carved  with  the 
face  and  wig,  and  covered  by  the  wings  of  Isis  over  the 
body,  like  the  Antef  coffins.  Within  the  coffin  was  the 
mummy,  with  four  canopic  jars,  and  with  some  jewellery 
at  the  side  of  it,  some  within  the  wrappings,  and  some 
upon  the  corpse  (M.B.  810).  To  enter  on  a  full  list  of 


FIG.  7.— -Boat  of  Kames.     Ghizeh. 

the  treasure  here  would  be  too  lengthy,  but  we  must 
notice  the  historical  points.  On  the  corpse  were  a" 
scarab  and  chain  with  the  name  of  Aahmes  on  the 
fastening,  besides  three  bracelets  and  a  diadem,  all  with 
the  name  of  Aahmes  ;  while  within  the  wrappings  were 
the  gold  axe  and  the  dagger,  both  with  the  name  of 
Aahmes.  The  personal  ornaments  of  this  queen  were 
therefore  provided  by  Aahmes,  that  is  to  say,  when  the 
queen  was  between  fifty  and  seventy-five  years  old. 

But  beside  these  objects  of  Aahmes,  some  with  the 
name  of  her  eldest  son  Kames  were  also  found.  In 
the  coffin  were  two  model  barks  with  rowers :  one  of 
gold  bore  the  name  of  Kames  ;  the  other,  of  silver, 
was  plain.  The  other  objects  were  a  fly-flap  and  bronze 
axes,  of  Kames  ;  and  probably  other  bronze  axes  and  a 


B.G.  i6ro-iS97.]  AAH'HOTEP   I  13 

spear  of  his,  now  in  England,  came  from  the  same  source. 
It  has  always  been  assumed  that  the  whole  of  this  outfit 
belonged  solely  to  the  queen.  But  as  no  object  of 
Kames  was  within  the  bandages,  but  only  loose  in  the 
open  coffin,  there  is  no  such  assurance.  Rather  it  would 
seem  that  the  valuables  in  the  burial  of  Kames  which 
were  outside  of  his  mummy  had  been  hurriedly  heaped 
together  into  the  coffin  of  Aah'hotep,  and  so  all  carried 
out  for  safe  burial.  The  two  barks  would  thus  belong, 
one  to  Kames,  the  other  to  Aah'hotep's  own  burial. 
And  the  bronze  axes  and  spear  are  more  likely  to  have 
been  laid  with  a  warrior  king  than  with  the  queen. 
There  is  a  strong  suggestion  in  the  arrangement  of  the 
lower  line  of  figures  in  the  tomb  of  Khabekht  (L.D.  iii. 
2a)  that  Aah'hotep  had  many  other  children.  After  the 
three  brothers,  Aahmes,  Skhent'neb'ra,  and  Kames, 
there  follow  eight  royal  sons  and  daughters  who  do  not 
belong  to  any  later  generation,  as  they  never  appear 
subsequently.  These  are  Binpu  (who  occurs  on  a 
statuette,  M.D.  48  b),  Uaz*mes,  Rames,  Ken'aru, 
Aahmes,  and  the  princesses  Kames,  Sat'irbau,  and 
Ta'khredqa.  The  uniform  order  of  sons  together  and 
daughters  together,  and  the  absence  of  any  other  im- 
portant ancestor  connected  with  them,  suggests  that 
they  are  brothers  and  sisters  of  Aahmes,  and  children 
of  Aah'hotep  subsequent  to  Nefertari. 


XVII.  8?  s y    n   <X>    N     about  J597 

UAZ-KHEPER-RA  f      Q    j    3     W     J        1591  B.C. 


Gold  bark  G.  Mtis.  (Ms.  G.  82). 

Fly-flap  G.  Mus.  (Ms.  G.  83). 

Bronze  axes  G.  Mus.,  B.  Mus  (M.B.    810;    A.L. 

liii.  86-87). 

Spear  head  Evans  Coll.  (A.L.  liii.  84,  pi.  i.). 

Scarab.  Brocklehurst  Coll. 

Tomb  in  Papyrus  Abbott  (Ms.  E.  230). 


UAZ-KHEPER-RA 


[DVN.  xvii.  8. 


The  position  of  this  king1  we  have  already  discusse'd 
in  the  previous  pages.     His  reign  has  left  no   traces 


FIG.  8. — Axe  and  dagger  of 
Kames.     i :  4.     Ghizeh. 


FIG.  9. —Spear  head  of  Kames. 
i':  5.    Evans  Coll. 


B.C.  IS97-XS9I.J.  KA-MES  15 

beyond  his  burial  and  subsequent  adoration  of  him. 
That  he  cannot  have  come  before  the  Seqenenra  kings, 
is  indicated  by  his  jewellery  resembling"  that  of  Aahmes, 
and  being  placed  with  Aahrhotep,  probably  owing  to 
his  burial  being  close  to  hers,  or  in  the  same  vault. 
But  the  absence  of  any  work  of  his  points  to  a  brief 
reign ;  and  in  allowing  six  years  in  the  history  for  him  we 
can  hardly  err  much  either  way.  A  much  longer  reign 
would  involve  difficulties  in  the  age  of  his  mother. 

We  have  noticed  that  the  objects  found  loose  in  the 
coffin  of  Aah'hotep  probably  came  from  the  burial  of 
Kames.  Beside  these,  two  bronze  axes  with  his  name 
are  known  (B.  Mus.  and  Sir  John  Evans*  Coll.),  and  a 
bronze  spear  head  with  a  long  inscription  (Evans*  Coll. 
See  A.L.  liii.  84).  This  reads,  "  The  good  god,  lord  of 
action,  Uaz'kheperra.  I  am  a  valiant  prince,  beloved 
of  Ra,  begotten  of  Aah,  born  of  Tehuti,  son  of  the  sun 
Ka'.mes  eternally  strong."  Here  there  is  the  same 
fighting  tone  that  we  meet  in  the  names  Seqenenra, 
"  Ra  makes  valiant,"  and  "  Taaa  the  valiant."  There 
is  also  the  link  to  the  name  of  his  mother  and  brother 
in  his  being  "  begotten  of  Aah."  Another  interesting 
link  is  in  his  being  "  born  of  Tehuti"  (a  confused  idea 
of  a  god  instead  of  a  goddess  bearing  him) ;  for  it  has 
been  already  pointed  out  that  the  XVIIIth  dynasty  had 
strong  links  to  the  lunar  gods  of  Eshmunen  or  Hermo- 
polis,  in  the  names  Aahmes  and  Tahutimes  (B.H.  273). 
Again,  in  the  old  Egyptian  chronicle  of  Castor,  the 
XVIIIth  dynasty  is  Hermopolite.  And  a  statuette  of 
black  basalt  was  obtained  from  Mellawi,  and  probably 
came  from  Eshmunen,  bearing  the  name  of  a  private 
person,  Kames  (P.P.  Coll.),  which  shows  the  observance 
of  the  royal  names  in  that  town  at  the  time.  One 
scarab  of  this  king  was  found  about  1893,  now  in 
Brocklehurst  Coll. 

The  tomb  of  Kames  is  mentioned  in  the  Abbott 
papyrus  as  having  been  inspected  by  the  Ramesside 
officials.  "The  tomb  of  King  Uaz'kheperra,  son  of 
the  sun  Ka'mes,  examined  in  that  day,  was  intact," 
(MS,  E.  230). 


i6  SE'NEKHT'EN'RA  CDYN.  xvn.  9. 


r 

V^ 


Or  SE'NEKHT'EN'RA  '          W  '        B'C* 


This  first  name  is  only  known  in  the  list  of  the  tomb 
of  Khabakhnet  (L.D.  iii,  2a),  where  it  occurs  between 
the  names  of  Kames  and  Aahmes,  suggesting1  that  it 
was  that  of  an  intermediate  brother-king.  It  has  been 
suggested  that  this  is  a  mistake  for  Se'nekht'en'ra,  who 
is  found  in  the  list  of  Tahutmes  III.  at  Karnak,  and 
on  the  altar  at  Marseille  (Rec.  xiii.  146).  From  the 
resemblance  of  the  hieratic  writing  of  the  two  names, 
this  appears  not  unlikely.  The  form  Senekhtenra  is 
the  more  likely  to  be  correct,  as  being  similar  to 
Seqenenra  in  type  and  meaning.  A  king — or  perhaps 
a  prince — is  named  on  a  bronze  dagger,  Sa'ra  (Beba* 
ankh)  du  ankh,  and  is  doubtless  of  this  age,  though 
otherwise  unknown  (Greenwell  Coll.  A.L.  liii.  93). 


We  now  come  to  consider  the  great  struggle  of  this 
age,  the  expulsion  of  the  Hyksos.  As  this  extended 
over  some  generations,  it  will  be  best  to  treat  it  as  a 
consecutive  account,  and  not  to  divide  the  subject 
amongst  the  several  reigns  to  which  it  belongs. 

From  Manetho  we  have  concluded  (in  vol.  i.)  that  the 
Hyksos  period  consisted  of  three  parts  :  100  years  of 
destructive  invasion,  2098-1998  B.C.;  then  260  years  of 
the  reigns  of  six  great  kings,  who  allowed  their 
Egyptian  vassals  a  lifelong  rule,  as  they  were 
thoroughly  subdued,  1998-1738  B.C.;  lastly,  151  years 
of  weakening  of  the  Hyksos  power  and  continual 
conflict  and  rebellion,  until  Aahmes  begins  the  XVIIIth 
dynasty.  This  last  period  is  that  of  the  XVI Ith 
dynasty,  1738-1587  B.C.,  and  is  that  with  which  we  now 
have  to  deal. 


Fc,  1610-1587.]  EXPULSION  OF  HYKSOS  .17 

From  the  Berber  type  of  Seqenenra,  it  seems  probable 
that  the  dynasty  had  come  from  Ethiopia;  and  the 
earlier  part  of  it,  from  about  1738  to  perhaps  1660  B.C., 
of  which  we  have  no  names,  may  have  dwelt  in  Nubia, 
and  only  harassed  the  Hyksos  from  thence.  That  the 
Hyksos  suzerainty  under  the  great  king's  extended  over 
^the  whole  land,  is  shown  by  the  lintel  of  Apepa  I.  found 
as  far  south  as  Gebelen  ;  and  by  the  building-  in  red 
granite  of  the  same  king,  showing  control  of  the  Aswan 
quarries.  But  when  we  come  to  the  time  of  Apepa  II., 
Thebes  was  almost  independent.  That  this  is  the 
Apepa  of  the  tale  of  "  Apepy  and  Seqenenra"  is 
probable;  because  Apepa  I.  was  much  earlier  than 
the  Seqenen  kings,  and  Apepa  II.  has  a  name, 
Aa*qenen*ra,  closely  akin  to  that  of  Seqenenra  Ta*aa* 
qen.  Apepa  II.  (see  vol.  i.  p.  242)  must  therefore  be 
one  of  the  later  Hyksos. 

The  tale  of  Apepy  and  Seqenenra  was  considered  to 
be  exact  history  when  first  translated  ;  but  latterly  it 
has  been  the  rather  supposed  to  be  a  popular  tale 
founded  on  the  history,  probably  reflecting  very  closely 
the  actual  events.  The  papyrus  (known  as  Sallier  II., 
in  B.  Mus.)  containing  the  tale  is  unfortunately  only 
fragmentary ;  and  here  we  give  the  actual  remains, 
with  indication  of  some  restorations  (see  Ms.  C.  278). 

"  It  came  to  pass  that  the  land  of  Egypt  was  a  prey 
to  plague  (i.e.  foreigners),  and  at  that  time  there  was 
no  lord  and  king  (i.e.  no  king  over  all  the  land)*  At 
that  time  the  king  Seqenenra  was  prince  (keg)  of  the 
south  ;  and  the  plague  in  the  cities  were  the  Amu,  and 
Apepy  was  prince  .(sar)  in  Hauar  (Avaris),  and  com- 
manded the  whole  land  with  their  works,  and  with  all 
good  things  of  the  land  of  Egypt.  Behold  king  Apepy 
made  Sutekh  as  lord,  and  he  served  not  any  other  god 
of  the  whole  land  except  Sutekh.  He  built  him  the 
temple  of  work  good  for  eternity  .  .  .  Apepy.  And 
he  went  in  procession  each  day  to  sacrifice  the  daily 
offerings  to  Sutekh,  and  the  chiefs  of  the  king  were 
with  garlands,  as  is  done  in  the  temple  of  Ra  Harem* 
khuti.  And  the  king  Apepy  sought  words  to  send  a 

11—2 


i8  EXPULSION  OF  HYKSOS  [UYN.  xvn. 

message  to  the  king  Seqenenra,  the  prince  (ur)  of  the 
town  of  the  south  (Thebes). 

"  And  many  days  after  this  the  king  Apepy  called  to 
him  his  great  [chiefs,  his  captains,  and  his  prudent 
generals,  but  they  knew  not  what  to  say  to  the  king 
Seqenenra,  prince  of  the  south  country.  The  king 
Ra-Apepy  therefore  called  unto  him  his  cunning  scribes 
(probably  native  Egyptians,  like  the  present  Copts),  and 
they  said  to  him,  *  Oh,  lord  our  master,  let  this  be 
good  before  thee,'  and  they  gave  to  the  king  Ra-Apepy 
the  words  which  he  desired.  *  Let  a  messenger  go  to 
the  prince  of  the  town  of  the  south,  and  say  to  him, 
"The  king  Ra-Apepy  sends  to  say,  .  .  .  ]  the  canal  of 
the  hippopotami  [which  are  in  the  canals  of  the  country, 
that  they  may  let  me  sleep  both  by  night  and  by  day 
.  .  .  "]  with  him  in  taking,  and  will  not  approve  to  him 
any  god  which  is  in  the  land  of  Egypt  except  Amen  Ra, 
king  of  the  gods.' 

"  And  many  days  after  this  king  Apepy  sent  to  the 
prince  (ur)  of  the  south  city  the  message  which  his 
cunning  scribes  had  said  to  him  ;  and  the  messenger 
of  king  Apepy  came  unto  the  prince  (ur)  of  the  south 
city  ;  and  they  brought  him  before  the  prince  of  the 
south  city.  Then  said  he  to  the  messenger  of  king 
Apepy,  *  What  message  bringest  thou  to  the  south 
city  ?  Wherefore  art  thou  travelled  hither  ?  '  The 
messenger  answered  him,  saying,  'The  king  Apepy  sends 
to  thee,  saying,  "  Let  them  ...  on  the  canal  of  the 
hippopotami  that  are  in  the  ...  of  the  city  .  .  . 
for  sleep  by  night  and  by  day  is  not  able  to  come  to 
me."*  The  prince  of  the  south  city  was  troubled,  so 
that  he  knew  not  how  to  answer  the  messenger  of  king 
Ra-Apepy.  The  prince  of  the  south  then  said  to  him, 
'  Behold  this  which  thy  master  sends  for  .  .  .  the 
prince  of  the  south  land  .  .  .  the  words  which  he  sent 
to  me  .  .  .  his  goods  .  .  .'  The  prince  of  the  south 
land  gave  to  the  messenger  all  kinds  of  good  things,  of 
meat  and  of  bread,  of  ...'...  all  this  which  thou 
hast  said  I  intend  .  .  .'  The  messenger  "of  king  Apepy 
betook  himself  unto  the  place  where  his  master  was. 


B.C.  1610-1587.]  EXPULSION  OF  HYKSOS  19 

Then  the  prince  of  the  south  land  called  to  him  his 
great  chiefs,  his  captains,  and  his  prudent  generals, 
and  he  told  unto  them  all  the  words  about  which  king 
Apepy  had  sent  unto  him.  And  behold  they  were 
silent  with  one  accord  in  great  grief,  neither  knew  they 
to  reply  either  good  or  evil. 

"The  king  Ra-  Apepy  sent  ..." 

Here  unhappily  the  account  ceases  in  this  papyrus  ; 
but  enough  remains  to  give  a  clear  picture  of  the  bully- 
ing by  the  Hyksos  kings,  and  the  terror  of  their  vassals 
when  they  chose  to  pick  a  quarrel.  The  meaning  of 
the  message  is  obscure,  and  makes  us  the  more  regret 
the  incompletion  of  the  document.  This  is  the  only 
detailed  view  of  the  relations  of  the  Hyksos  to  the 
Egyptians  in  the  latter  part  of  their  sojourn.  The  king 
being  named  Seqenenra,  shows  that  it  must  refer  to  the 
last  century,  or  so,  of  the  bondage ;  but  there  is 
nothing  to  show  to  which  king  of  that  name  this 
refers,  if,  indeed,  the  writer  had  any  clear  idea  on  the 
matter. 

The  only  monumental  notice  of  the  destructions  by 
the  Hyksos  is  in  the  inscription  of  Hatshepsut  on  the 
front  of  the  rock-cut  temple,  known  as  the  Speos 
Artemidos,  just  south  of  Beni  Hasan.  In  this  the 
queen  recites  her  re-establishment  of  the  Egyptian 
power  and  worship.  She  describes  the  injuries  to  the 
country.  "The  abode  of  the  Mistress  of  Qes  (Kusae 
on  west  side)  was  fallen  in  ruin,  the  earth  had  covered 
her  beautiful  sanctuary,  and  children  played  over  her 
temple.  ...  I  cleared  it  and  rebuilt  it  anew.  ...  I 
restored  that  which  was  in  ruins,  and  I  completed  that 
which  was  left  unfinished.  For  there  had  been  Amu  in 
the  midst  of  the  Delta  and  in  Hauar,  and  the  foreign 
hordes  of  their  number  had  destroyed  the  ancient 
works  ;  they  reigned  ignorant  of  the  god  Ra " 
(Rec.  iii.  2). 

For  the  period  of  the  actual  expulsion  of  the  Hyksos 
there  are  but  two  documents,  Manetho  as  recorded  by 
Josephus,  and  the  tomb  of  the  warrior  Aahmes  at  El 
Kab.  We  see  in  the  tale  of  Apepa  that  during  the 


20  EXPULSION  OF  HYKSOS  IDYN.  xvn. 

Seqenenra  period,  somewhere  between  1660  and  1600 
B.C.,  the  Theban  princedom  was  completely  in  the 
power  of  the  Hyksos,  and  open  war  had  not  yet 
broken  out,  or  become  continuous.  But  the  last 
Seqenenra  died  in  battle,  probably  at  some  distance 
away,  and  yet  was  buried  properly  at  Thebes.  This 
points  to  the  Theban  powers  having  become  independ- 
ent by  1597  B.C.,  and  having  a  fighting  frontier  some 
way  to  the  north,  so  that  ceremonials  at  Thebes  were 
uninterrupted.  During  the  reign  of  Kames  further 
advance  was  probably  made  by  "  the  valiant  prince," 
as  we  see  that  king  Aahmes  was  able  to  besiege  the 
stronghold  of  the  Hyksos  down  in  the  Delta  at  the 
beginning  of  his  reign,  about  1585  B.C.  So  probably 
the  Thebans  had  been  gradually  pushing  their  way 
north,  and  claiming  independence,  during  perhaps 
twenty  years  before  the  country  gathered  itself  together 
and  made  the  grand  effort  of  the  expulsion  under 
Aahmes  ;  and  it  was  that  effort  which  placed  Aahmes 
on  the  throne  as  a  victorious  conqueror,  and  founded 
the  XVIIIth  dynasty. 

Manetho  summarised  the  story,  according  to  Josephus, 
in  this  form  :  "  The  kings  of  the  Thebaid  and  of  the 
rest  of  Egypt  made  insurrection  against  the  Shepherds, 
and  a  long  and  mighty  war  was  carried  on  between 
them,  until  the  Shepherds  were  overcome  by  a  king 
whose  name  was  Alisphragmouthosis  (var.  Mis'phra* 
gmu'thosls^Aahmes'pakar'nub'thes'taui,  *  Aahmes,  the 
golden  Horus  binding  together  the  two  lands,'  a  title  of 
his  referring  to  the  united  action  in  the  war,  and 
recovery  of  the  Delta),  and  they  were  by  him  driven  out 
of  the  other  parts  of  Egypt,  and  hemmed  up  in  a  place 
containing  about  ten  thousand  arouras,  which  was 
called  Auaris.  All  this  tract  the  Shepherds  surrounded 
with  a  vast  and  strong  wall,  that  they  might  retain  all 
their  property  and  their  prey  within  a  hold  of  their 
strength. 

"And  Thummosis  the  son  of  Alisphragmouthosis 
tried  to  force  them  by  a  siege,  and  beleaguered  the 
place  with  a  body  of  four  hundred  and  eighty  thousand 


im*.  xviii.]  EXPULSION  OF  HYKSOS  21 

men  ;  but  at  the  moment  when  he  despaired  of  reducing 
them  by  siege,  they  agreed  to  a  capitulation,  that  they 
would  leave  Egypt,  and  should  be  permitted  to  go  out 
without  molestation  wheresoever  they  pleased.  And, 
according  to  this  stipulation,  they  departed  from  Egypt 
with  all  their  families  and  effects,  in  number  not  less 
than  two  hundred  and  forty  thousand,  and  bent  their 
way  through  the  desert  towards  Syria.  But  as  they 
stood  in  fear  of  the  Assyrians,  who  then  had  dominion 
over  Asia,  they  built  a  city  in  that  country  which  is  now 
called  Judaea,  of  sufficient  size  to  contain  this  multitude 
of  men,  and  named  it  Jerusalem." 

Here,  then,  it  is  represented  that  Aahmes  shut  them 
up  in  Auaris  ;  and  that  his  son  (or  rather  grandson), 
Tahutmes  I.,  finally  ejected  them  thence.  This  is, 
however,  due  to  a  confusion  of  the  capture  of  Auaris 
with  the  subsequent  Syrian  wars  of  Tahutmes  I. ,  as  is 
shown  by  the  contemporary  account  of  one  of  the  main 
actors  in  the  struggle,  the  admiral  Aahmes.  He  would 
certainly  have  recited  the  capture  of  Auaris  under 
Tahutmes  I.,  if  any  such  conquest  had  then  occurred. 

The  account  of  the  admiral  Aahmes  is  the  best 
authority  that  we  have  for  the  beginning  of  the  XVIIIth 
dynasty.  We  here  quote  the  earlier  portion,  referring 
to  the  Hyksos  war : — 

"The  captain-general  of  marines,  Aahmes  son  of 
Abana,  rnakheru.  He  says,  I  speak  to  you,  all  men,  in 
order  that  I  may  inform  you  of  the  honours  which  have 
fallen  to  my  lot.  I  have  been  presented  with  gold 
seven  times  in  the  face  of  the  whole  land,  and  with 
slaves  both  male  and  female  ;  likewise  I  have  acquired 
much  land.  The  name  of  one  valorous  in  his  acts 
shall  not  perish  for  ever  in  this  land.  He  saith,  I  came 
into  existence  in  the  city  of  Nekheb  (El  Kab)  ;  my 
father  was  an  officer  of  king  Sekenenra,  makheru,  Baba 
son  of  Reant  was  his  name. " 

"  I  performed  the  duties  of  an  officer  in  his  place  on 
board  the  ship  called  the  *  Sacrificial  Ox '  in  the  days  of 
king  Neb'pehti'ra,  makheru  (Aahmes).  I  was  too 
young-  to  have  a  wife,  and  I  slept  in  the  semi  cloth  and 


22  EXPULSION  OF  HYKSOS  EDYN.  xvm. 

shennu  garment  (age  about  20,  1586  B.C.).  But  as 
soon  as  I  had  a  house  I  was  taken  to  a  ship  called  the 
*  North '  on  account  of  my  valour.  And  I  followed  the 
sovereign  on  foot  when  he  went  out  on  his  chariot. 

"  One  sat  down  before  the  city  of  Hat'uart  (Avaris), 
and  I  was  valorous  on  foot  in  presence  of  his  majesty. 
I  was  promoted  to  the  ship  called  Kha'em'men'nefer. 
We  fought  on  the  water  in  the  Pazedku  (canal  ?)  of 
Hat'uart.  Here  I  captured  and  carried  off  a  hand, 
mention  of  which  was  made  to  the  royal  reporter,  and 
there  was  given  to  me  the  golden  collar  of  valour. 
There  was  fighting  a  second  time  at  this  place,  and  a 
second  time  I  captured  and  carried  off  a  hand,  and 
there  was  given  to  me  a  second  time  the  gold  of  valour. 
There  was  fighting  at  Ta'kemt  at  the  south  of  this  city, 
and  I  carried  away  prisoner  a  live  man.  I  plunged 
into  the  water,  behold  he  was  brought  as  one  captured 
on  the  road  of  the  town,  I  crossed  over  with  him 
through  the  water  (i.e.  he  secured  him  as  certainly  as 
if  he  had  been  caught  on  a  high-road).  Mention  of  this 
was  made  to  the  royal  reporter,  and  I  was  presented 
with  gold  once  more. 

"We  took  Hat'uart,  and  I  carried  off  as  captives 
from  thence  one  man  and  three  women,  in  all  four 
heads  ;  and  his  majesty  gave  them  to  me  for  slaves. 

"  We   sat  down   before   Sharhana  (Sharuhen  in  the^ 
southern  border  of  Palestine)  in  the  year  5  (age  about* 
24,  1582  B.C.),  and  his  majesty  took  it.     I  carried  off 
from  thence  captives  two  women  and  one   hand  ;  and 
there  was  given  me  the  gold  of  valour.     Behold  there 
were  given  me  the  captives  for  slaves. 

"  But  when  his  majesty  had  slaughtered  the  Mentiu 
of  Setet,  he  went  south  to  Khent'hen'nefer,  in  order  to 
destroy  the  Anu  Khenti  ;  and  his  majesty  made  a  great 
slaughter  of  them.  I  carried  away  captives  two  live 
men  and  three  hands  ;  and  I  was  presented  once  more 
with  the  gold,  and  behold  the  two  slaves  were  given  to 
me.  Then  came  his  majesty  down  the  river,  his  heart 
swelled  with  valour  and  victory  ;  he  had  conquered  the 
people  of  the  South  and  of  the  North. 


DYN.  xviii.)  EXPULSION  OF  HYKSOS  23 

"  Then  came  Aata  to  the  South,  bringing  in  his  fate, 
namely,  his  destruction,  for  the  gods  of  the  South 
seized  upon  him.  When  his  majesty  found  him  at 
Tentta-a,  his  majesty  carried  him  off  as  a  living 
captive,  and  all  his  men,  with  swiftness  of  capture. 
And  I  brought  off  two  attendants  (?)  whom  I  had 
seized  on  the  ship  of  Aata  ;  and  there  were  given  to  me 
five  heads  for  my  share  and  five  sta  of  land  in  my  own 
city.  It  was  done  to  all  the  company  of  the  marines  in 
like  manner. 

"Then  that  enemy  named  Teta*an  came;  he  had 
collected  rebels.  But  his  majesty  slaughtered  him  and 
his  slaves  even  to  extinction.  And  there  were  given 
to  me  three  heads  and  five  sfa  of  land  in  my  own  city.'1 
He  then  describes  his  services  in  the  southern  campaigns 
of  Amenhotep  I.  and  Tahutmes  I.,  and  the  Syrian  war 
of  Tahutmes  I.  He  came  to  old  age  in  that  reign,  when 
he  would  be  between  sixty-five  and  ninety  years  old. 

We  see  here  that  Aahmes  concluded  the  Hyksos  war 
within  five  years,  and  then  turned  his  arms  to  the 
South.  Two  separate  attempts  were  made  apparently 
by  the  defeated  Hyksos  subsequently :  Aata  arose 
during  the  absence  of  Aahmes  in  his  southern  cam- 
paign, and  overran  the  land  as  far  as  the  south 
country ;  but  he  was  soon  crushed.  Again,  another 
flicker  of  the  conquered  force  seems  to  have  arisen 
under  Teta'an,  which  was  likewise  soon  crushed. 

The  history  of  the  war  of  independence  then  seems  to 
have  been,  that  perhaps  for  twenty  or  thirty  years  before 
1600  B.C.  the  Nubian  princes  of  Thebes  had  been 
pushing  their  way  northward  against  the  decaying 
power  of  the  Hyksos.  Active  warfare  was  going  on 
at  about  1600  B.C.  ;  and  a  sudden  outburst  of  energy, 
under  the  active  young  leader  Aahmes,  concluded  the 
expulsion  of  the  foreigners,  and  the  capture  of  their 
stronghold,  within  a  few  years,  ending  in  1582  B.C.  A 
couple  of  last  flickers  of  the  war  were  crushed  during 
the  succeeding  years,  and  the  rest  of  his  reign  Aahmes 
was  able  to  devote  to  the  reorganization  of  the  whole 
country. 


24  EXPULSION  OF  HYKSOS 

One  question  remains,  What  effect  had  the  Hyksos 
occupation  upon  the  people?  That  there  were  large 
numbers  of  the  race  is  evident  ;  only  a  considerable 
mass  of  people  could  have  thus  held  down  a  whole 
country  for  some  centuries,  while  yet  remaining*  so 
distinct  that  they  could  be  expelled  as  a  separate  body. 
The  number  reported  to  have  left  Egypt — a  quarter  of 
a  million — from  a  land  which  very  probably  only  held 
then  about  two  millions,  as  at  the  beginning  of  this 
century,  shows  how  large  their  numbers  were  even 
after  they  had  become  intermingled  with  the  natives 
during  some  twenty  generations.  It  was  not  merely 
the  upsetting  of  a  government,  as  the  overthrow  of  the  " 
Turks  in  Europe  would  be  at  present,  but  it  was  the 
thrusting  out  of  a  large  part  of  the  population,  pro- 
bably the  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Delta. 
We  cannot  doubt,  then,  that  from  such  a  large  body  of  a 
ruling  race  there  must  have  been  a  great  amount  of 
mixture  with  the  earlier  occupiers  of  the  land.  The 
Semitising  of  Egypt  took  place  largely  then,  so  far  as 
race  was  concerned  ;  and  bore  full  effect  when  the 
fashions,  ideas,  and  manners  of  Syria  were  implanted 
after  the  Asiatic  conquests  of  Tahutmes  III. 


EIGHTEENTH  DYNASTY 


EIGHTEENTH  DYNASTY. 

ALTHOUGH  the  succession  of  the  kings  of  the  XVIIIth 
dynasty  is  well  known  from  the  monuments,  yet  the 
chronology  of  the  period,  and  the  connection  of  the 
names  with  those  given  in  the  Greek  lists,  is  far  from 
settled  as  yet.  As  our  only  hope  of  obtaining  a  scheme 
of  the  lengths  of  the  reigns  and  of  the  duration  of  the 
dynasty  depends  on  an  adjustment  of  the  names  stated 
by  the  monuments  to  those  stated  by  Manetho,  the 
treatment  of  the  Greek  lists  is  of  much  historical 
importance,  and  deserves  full  consideration.  The 
following  are  the  actual  materials  that  we  have  to 
study : — 


MONU-           HIGHEST 

MANETHO. 

AFRICANUS 

-^ 
JOSEPH  us. 

AND   EUSEBIUS. 

Y.  M. 

Aahmes               22 

Am5s                         25 

Alisfrag-mouthosis 

Amerrhotep  I.       ? 

TethmSsis                25*4 

Tahut'mes  I.         9 

Khebron                   1  3 

Khebron                    1^3  • 

Tahut-mes  II.       9 

AmenOfthis       (21)  24 

Amenofis                   207 

Hat'shepsut       22? 

Amersis                      22 

Amesses                    2  1  '9 

Tahut-mes  1  1  1.    54 

MLsafris,  Mifris(i2)  13 

Mefres                       1  2  '9 

Ameirhotep  II.  26 

MisfragTOOuthdsis    26 

Meframouthosis     25*10 

Tahut*mes  IV.      7 

TouthmOsis                9 

Thmosis                       9-8 

Ameirhotep  III.  36 

Amenofis                   31 

Amenofis                 30*10 

Akhetraten          17 

Oros                   (36)  37 

Oros                           36*5 

Ra'smenkh'ka      3 

Akherres           (12)32 

Akenkhrgs                12*1 

Tut  -ankh  'amen    ? 

Rath5s  (AthOris  39)  6 

Rat  5th  is                      9* 

Ay                         4 

Khebres                    12 

Akenkheres              1-2*5 

EIGHTEENTH  DYNASTY 


MONU-           HIGHEST 
MENTS.              YEAR. 

MANETHO. 

AFRICANUS 

AND   EUSEBIUS. 

JOSEPHUS. 

Hor'em'heb         21 

Akherres                    1  2 
Armais                         5 

Akenkheres 
Armais 

XIX  Ra'messu  I.  2 

Sety  I.              9 
Ra'messu  1  1.  67 
Mer*en*ptah  25 

Ramesses                   i 
Amenofath        (40)  19 
Seth5s                (51)55 
RampsSs           (61)  66 
Ammenefthis(8,  20)  40 

Ramesses 

Armesse"s 
Amenofis 
Sethosis 
Ramesses 

I2'3 

i '4 

66*2 
19-6 


In  these  lists  the  middle  of  the  dynasty  seems  well 
identified  at  Tahutmes  IV.  and  Amenhotep  III.,  and 
our  consideration  of  it  falls  into  two  divisions,  the 
earlier  and  the  later,  which  stand  quite  independent  of 
each  other.  In  the  first  part  the  lists  have  been 
adjusted  thus  by  Wiedemann : — 


JOSEPHUS. 

Tethmosis 
Khebron 

Amenofis 
Amesses 

Mefres 

sis       Meframouthosis 
Omitted. 


But  there  are  several  objections  to  such  an  arrange- 
ment. Tethmosis  cannot  well  be  Aahmes,  but  is 
rather  to  be  assigned  to  Tahutmes.  There  is  no  reason 
to  make  a  separate  king  from  the  earlier  years  of  Amen- 
hotep L  ;  Tahutmes  I.  cannot  be  Amesses,  who  is 
stated  to  be  the  sister  of  Khebron  ;  the  separate  reign 
of  Hatshepsut  is  omitted  ;  and  the  reign  of  Amenhotep 
II.  is  also  omitted. 

In  the  face  of  these  difficulties,  it  would  seem  better 
to  suppose  that  Amenofthis  has  been  accidentally 
shifted  in  Manetho  (perhaps  owing  to  the  account  of 


MONUMENTS. 

AFKICANUS. 

Aahmes 

AmGs 

Nefertari  and 
Amenhotep  I. 

Khebron 

Amenhotep  I. 

Amenofthis 

Tahutmes  I. 

Amersis 

Tahutmes  II.   ) 
&  Hatshepsut  j 

Mifris 

Tahutmes  III. 

Misfragmoui 

Amenhotep  II. 

EIGHTEENTH  DYNASTY  27 

the  Hyksos  war  passing  from  Aahmes  to  Tahutmes  I., 
while  the  quiet  reign  of  Amenhotep  was  left  till  after 
it),  and  so  it  appears  two  places  farther  down  in  the 
list  than  originally  stated.  We  must  also  recognise 
that  Tethmosis  in  Josephus  has  been  altogether  dropped 
out  in  the  later  lists  of  Africanus  and  Eusebius.  In 
this  view,  a  more  satisfactory  adjustment  is  reached 
as  follows : — 

MONUMENTS.  AFRICANUS.  JOSEPHUS. 

Aahmes  Amos  Misfragfrnouthosis 

Amenhotep  I.  (placed  below)  (placed  below) 

Tahutmes  I.  (omitted)  Tethmosis 

Tahutmes  II.  Khebron  Khebron 

(Transposed  from  above   Amenofthis  Amenofis) 

Hatshepsut  Amersis  Amesses 

Tahutmes  III.  Misafris  Mefres 

Amenhotep  II.  Misfragmouthosis         Meframouthosis 

Thus  the  name  Khebron  is  explained  by  Akheperenra, 
Tahutmes  II.;  and  Amersis  "his  sister"  is  Hatshepsut 
his  sister.  There  is  another  point  also  in  the  last 
identification.  Amersis  is  stated  to  have  reigned 
21  years  9  months  ;  and  though  Hatshepsut's  length 
of  reign  is  not  declared,  yet  Tahutmes  III.  begins  his 
independent  action  in  his  22nd  year,  and  thus  his  inde- 
pendence coincides  with  his  sister's  death.  The  54 
years*  reign  of  Tahutmes  III.  cannot  be  identified  with 
any  of  the  numbers  of  the  lists  ;  so,  wherever  it  is 
placed,  some  corruption  must  be  assumed.  But  the 
name  Mefres  is  already  fixed  to  Tahutmes  III.  by  Pliny 
in  mentioning  his  obelisk  (Hist.  Nat.  xxxvi.  15,  69). 
And  the  26  years  of  Misfragmouthosis  agrees  with  the 
recent  discovery  of  a  wine  jar  with  the  date  of  the  26th 
year  of  Amenhotep  II.  The  36  years  of  Amenhotep 
III.  on  the  monuments  doubtless  covers  also  the 
period  of  some  co- regency,  while  the  30  years  10 
months  of  Josephus  will  be  the  length  of  his  sole 
reign,  thus  implying  a  co-regency  with  his  son  of  5 
years. 

We   now  pass   to   the  second  half  of  the  dynasty. 


28  EIGHTEENTH  DYNASTY 

Here  Oros  is  doubtless  Akherraten,  and  Armais  is 
Horenrheb.  We  know  that  Ra'smenklrka'ser'khe- 
peru  (erroneously  called  Ra'saa'ka'khepru)  was  the 
immediate  successor  of  Akhenaten,  as  he  is  named 
"  beloved  of  Akhenaten";  we  know  that  Tufankh* 
amen  next  succeeded,  as  his  rings  are  found  at  Tell 
el  Amarna,  without  any  later  objects  ;  and  Ay  must 
come  before  Horemheb, — who  re-used  his  masonry,— 
and  cannot  come  between  Tutankhamen  and  Akhenaten, 
as  his  name  is  never  found  in  that  group  at  Tell  el 
Amarna.  Now,  Josephus  says  that  Akenkhres  was 
daughter  of  Oros,  while  we  know  that  Ra'smenklrka, 
whose  throne  name  was  Ankh'khepnrra,  married  the 
daughter  of  Akhenaten,  and  thus  succeeded  him.  The 
relationship  and  the  name,  Akherres  or  Akenkhres, 
agree,  therefore,  fairly  with  the  monuments.  Next, 
Ratothis  is  said  to  be  the  brother  of  Akenkhres,  while 
we  know  that  Tut *ankh 'amen  was  the  brother-in-law 
of  the  previous  queen,  having  married  another  daughter 
of  Akhenaten  ;  the  name  Aten'tut'ankh  (altered  later 
to  Amen 'tut  *ankh)  may  have  been  rendered  by  the 
orthodox  as  Ra'tut'ankh,  and  so  have  originated 
Ratothis.  Next,  the  two  Akenkheres'  reigns  of  12 
years  and  5  months  and  12  years  and  3  months  are 
probably  a  reduplication,  as  only  Ay  is  known  to  cor- 
respond to  them  :  the  names  of  Ay,  Khepenrar'maa'ra 
may  have  been  abbreviated  into  the  Akherres  of 
Africanus.  The  discrepancy  of  Horemheb's  21  years 
with  the  4  or  5  years  of  Armais  may  be  due  to  his 
dating  from  some  semi-independent  generalship  of  his, 
while  only  the  last  4  or  5  years  of  his  life  were  inde- 
pendent after  the  death  of  Ay.  And  this  possibility 
is  suggested  by  the  length  stated  for  the  reign  of  Oros 
— 36  years  5  months :  it  is  certain  that  Akhenaten 
only  lived  17  or  1 8  years,  but  the  duration  of  his  Aten 
worship  (veiled  under  the  orthodox  name  of  Horus) 
appears  to  have  been  about  36  years.  If  Horemheb 
dated  from  the  restoration  of  the  old  worship, — in 
which  he  may  have  taken  a  large  part, — that  would 
imply  364-21  =  57  years  from  Akhenaten  to  Horemheb 


EIGHTEENTH  DYNASTY 


inclusive,  and  the  reigns  in  Josephus,  with  the  known 
reign  of  Akhenaten,  amount  to  56  years. 

Hence,  from  these  data,  the  best  result,  so  far  as  we 
can  at  present  see,  appears  to  be  as  follows  : — 


LISTS. 


YRS.  Mos. 


u.c. 
about. 


MONUMENTS. 

1  Aahmes 

2  Amcnhotep  I. 

3  Tahutmes  I. 

4  Tahutmes  II. 

5  Hatshepsut 

6  Tahutmes  III. 

7  Amenhotep  II. 

8  Tahutmes  IV. 

9  Amenhotep  III. 

10  Akhenaten 

11  Ra'smenkh'ka 

12  Tut'ankh'amen 

13  Ay 

14  Horenvheb 
(Men'peh'ra 


The  absolute  dates  stated  here  are  based  on  the 
statement  of  Mahler  (by  Sirius  and  the  new  moons)  of 
the  reign  of  Tahutmes  III.,  from  1503  to  1449  B«c*t 
adding  and  subtracting  the  reigns  on  either  side.  This 
astronomical  method  was  first  proposed  (though  carried 
out  imperfectly)  by  Basil  Cooper  (Brit.  Quart.  Rev.  1860). 

Some  general  checks  on  this  arrangement  are  given 
by  private  biographies,  which  show  through  which 


Am5s 

25 

1562 

AmenOfthis 

207 

Tethmdsis 

25*4 

1541  . 

1516 

Khebron 

13 

Amersis 

21-9 

i5°3 

1481 

Mefres          53-10  -21  '9 

=  32-1 

1449 

Meframouthosis 

25-10 

Touthmosis 

9-8 

H23 

1414 

Amenofis 

30*10 

1383 

Oros 

18 

1365 

Akherres 

I2'l 

'353 

Ratothis 

9 

1344 

Akherres 

12-5 

1332 

Armais 

4-1 

1328 

Menophres,  1322?) 

30  EIGHTEENTH  DYNASTY 

reigns  extended  the  life  and  activities  of  certain  officials. 
The  inscription  of  the  commander  Aahmes  at  El  Kab 
gives  some  indications.  He  was  still  young  and  un- 
married when  he  became  commander  of  a  ship,  in  the 
reign  of  Aahmes,  and  he  did  many  great  deeds  before 
the  6th  year  of  that  reign.  If  we  put  him  at  19  to  25 
years  of  age  in  these  six  years,  we  cannot  be  far  out. 
Thus  he  would  have  been  born  about  1606  B.C.  by  the 
dates  in  the  above  list.  He  would  then  be  over  40 
when  he  convoyed  Amenhotep  I.  on  his  Nubian  wars, 
and  was  personally  fighting.  He  would  be  65  when 
he  convoyed  Tahutmes  I.  to  Nubia,  but  nothing  is 
then  said  of  his  own  activity ;  a  year  or  two  later  he 
cut  off  a  chariot  in  the  Syrian  war.  But  he  next  says 
that  he  has  arrived  at  old  age  in  that  reign,  and 
therefore  before  the  reign  of  Tahutmes  II.,  when  he 
would  have  been  90  years  old.  For  a  man  of  special 
vigour  and  valour  this  is  not  an  unlikely  life-history. 
About  a  generation  later  there  is  a  biography  of 
Pennekheb  at  El  Kab.  His  first  prisoner  was  taken 
under  king  Aahmes.  If  he  were  about  18  at  the  king's 
death,  this  would  imply  that  he  was  born  about  1580 
B.C.,  but  certainly  not  later.  He  then  took  prisoners 
under  Amenhotep  I.  when  18  to  39  years  old  ;  other 
prisoners  under  Tahutmes  I.  when  between  39  and  64 
years  old.  He  brought  prisoners,  apparently  as  a  cap- 
tain, for  Tahutmes  II.  when  he  was  over  64  ;  and  died 
under  Tahutmes  III.  at  over  77  years  old.  Here  the 
ages  are  not  at  all  impossible.  Yet  in  both  cases  they 
seem  rather  beyond  what  would  be  likely  for  such 
activity  ;  and  hence  the  suggestion  given  by  the  datum 
of  Sirius  rising  on  the  gth  Epiphi,  in  the  9th  year  of 
Amenhotep  I.  (which  would  point  to  our  having  seven 
years  too  long  a  reckoning  between  Amenhotep  I.  and 
Tahutmes  III.),  is  rather  confirmed ;  as  a  reduction  of  all 
the  above  elder  ages  by  seven  years  would  be  more  likely 
than  not.  In  any  case,  we  see  that  the  interval  from 
Aahmes  to  Tahutmes  III.  could  not  be  longer  than  we 
have  deduced,  nor  could  it  be  very  much  shorter  by  the 
age  implied. 


SED  FESTIVALS  31 

There  is,  however,  another  check,  which  has  been 
hitherto  scarcely  used.  The  mentions  of  the  Sed 
festival,  at  the  close  of  each  of  the  28  or  30  year 
periods,  when  Sirius  rose  a  week  later  in  the  calendar 
(owing  to  the  month-names  shifting1  earlier),  show  us 
equal  intervals  which  are  most  important  to  regulate 
the  chronology.  And  not  only  can  exact  statements  of 
the  date  of  celebrating  a  festival  be  of  value  ;  but  even 
general  allusions  to  the  festival  give  some  probability 
of  such  a  feast  having  occurred  at  the  time. 

Our  starting-point  is  from  Mahler's  determination  of 
the  date  of  the  festival  and  of  the  reign  of  Tahutmes 
III.  from  the  star  -  rising  combined  with  the  new 
moons.  He  deduces  that  the  53  years  of  Tahutmes 
III.  range  from  2oth  March  1503  B.C.  to  i4th  February 
1449,  and  that  the  Sirius  festival  of  rising  on  the  28th 
of  Epiphi  was  in  1470  B.C.  This  is  strongly  confirmed 
by  a  document  not  yet  utilised.  A  tablet  at  El  Bersheh 
(now  destroyed)  was  dated  in  the  33rd  year  of  Tahutmes 
III. — the  year  of  the  feast,  according  to  Mahler  ;  and — 
more  precisely — on  the  2nd  day  of  Mesore,  which  is  only 
three  days  after  the  feast  day  on  the  28th  of  Epiphi. 
And  in  this  tablet  the  beginning  of  a  million  of  Sirius 
cycles  is  wished  for  the  king.  Such  an  allusion  to  the 
great  feast  in  that  year,  which  took  place  only  three 
days  before  this,  is  a  brilliant  confirmation  of  Mahler's 
astronomical  reckoning  ;  for,  were  that  erroneous  in 
any  point,  it  would  be  entirely  wrong,  and  hopelessly 
unlikely  to  agree  with  such  a  record.  While  a  very 
strong  reason  is  thus  obtained  for  crediting  the  absolute 
dating  already  stated,  yet  in  the  following  relation  of 
the  Sirius  cycles  to  the  reigns,  the  internal  chronology 
of  the  dynasty  may  be  considered  and  affirmed  quite 
irrespective  of  the  absolute  dates  in  years  B.C. 

The  beginning  of  the  reckoning  of  the  reign  of 
Tahutmes  III.  has  been  disputed,  as  we  do  not  know 
certainly  whether  he  was  a  son  of  Tahutmes  I.,  or  of 
Tahutmes  II.  As  a  list  in  the  temple  of  Semneh  is 
dated  in  his  2nd  year,  and  a  papyrus  in  his  5th 
year,  there  is  a  strong  presumption  that  his  earliest 


EIGHTEENTH  DYNASTY 


regnal  years  could  not  have  been  contemporary  with  his 
father's  reign.  This  is  also  indicated  by  his  sudden 
activity  in  his  22nd  year,  after  the  21  years  9  months' 
reign  of  his  sister  Hatshepsut,  according  to  Josephus. 
These  presumptions  are  firmly  established  when  we 
turn  to  the  Sed  festivals.  Tahutmes  III  held  his 
festival  (as  we  have  just  seen  above)  in  his  33rd 
year  ;  so  the  earlier  one  would  fall  in  his  3rd  year. 
Now  Hatshepsut  celebrated  her  first  Sed  festival  in  her 
1 6th  year  (see  her  obelisk),  which  is  therefore  the  same 
as  the  3rd  year  of  Tahutmes  III.  (a  difference  of  30 
years  being  quite  impossible)  ;  hence  he  began  to  reign 
in  her  i3th  or  i4th  year.  And  this  exactly  agrees  with 
the  intervention  of  the  13  years'  reign  of  Khebron, 
Tahutmes  II.,  contemporary  with  Hatshepsut.  Thus 
we  see  that  Hatshepsut  dates  her  years  from  her 
association  with  her  father  at  the  end  of  his  reign, 
while  Tahutmes  III.  dates  his  years  from  the  end  of  his 
father's  reign,  13  years  later.  In  considering  these 
years,  we  must  always  remember  that,  though  the  22 
years'  reign  of  Hatshepsut  is  reckoned  from  her  brother's 
death,  yet  that  her  regnal  years  were  at  that  point  13  ; 
and  that  she  reigned  in  all  13  +  22  —  35  years.  The 
dates  of  the  heliacal  rising  of  Sirius  are  as  follow  : — 

B.C.        Shifting  Months. 

i,  date  of  papyrus  in  gth  year,  Amenhotep  I. 
"       '     (undated),  Tahutmes  I.  obelisk. 
i6th  year,  Hatshepsut,  obelisk. 
33d  year,  Tahutmes  III.,  Bersheh. 
fundated),  Amenhotep  II.,  pillar, 
(undated),  Amenhotep  II. 
(unrecorded). 

(undated),  Tutankhamen,  tomb, 
(unrecorded^, 
(unrecorded). 

4ist  year,  Ramessu  II.,  El  Kab. 
2nd  year,  Merenptah,  M.  Habu. 

Though  the  vanity  of  Ramessu  II.  led  to  his  transferring 
the  astronomical  cycle  of  30  years  to  his  personal  reign, 
and  starting  a  series  of  Sed  festivals  on  his  3oth  year, 


1546     Epiphi  9th,  d£ 

1526     Epiphi  14,  fea 

1498 

21, 

1470 

28, 

1434     Me 

ore  7, 

1406 

H» 

1378 

21, 

135° 

28, 

1294     Th< 

th     7, 

1266 

14, 

1234 

22, 

1206 

29, 

SED  FESTIVALS  33 

and  even  repeating*  them  every  3  years  after  that,  such 
a  perversion  does  not  affect  the  value  of  the  regular 
cycle  for  historical  purposes.  The  years  of  the  recur- 
rence of  the  festival  in  the  reigns  of  other  king's,  the 
i8th  year  of  Pepy  I.,  the  2nd  year  of  Mentuhotep  II., 
the  i6th  of  Hatshepsut,  the  33rd  of  Tahutmes  III.,  the 
2nd  of  Merenptah,  show  absolutely  that  the  cycle  was 
not  a  regnal  feast  but  an  astronomical  one  of  regular 
recurrence.  And  the  occurrence  of  "the  feast  of  30 
years  "  in  the  reign  of  Tut-ankh-amen,  who  reig^ned  but 
9  years,  again  shows  that  this  refers  to  a  fixed  cycle. 

We  see,  then,  in  the  above  list  the  dates  of  the 
festivals  of  the  heliacal  rising  of  Sirius,  at  intervals  of  a 
quarter  month,  later  and  later,  in  the  calendar.  Out  of 
eleven,  four  feasts  are  dated  to  the  year  in  historical 
records,  three  feasts  are  mentioned  in  the  reigns  in 
which  they  are  required  to  fall  (all  which  reigns  are 
under  30  years,  and  need  not  therefore  have  included  a 
festival),  and  of  only  three  feasts  have  no  notice  come 
down  to  us.  One  of  these,  falling1  in  Akhenaten's  reign, 
is  likely  to  have  been  omitted  ;  but  we  should  certainly 
hope  some  day  to  find  a  reference  to  the  festivals  of  the 
32nd  year  of  Sety  I.,  or  the  Qth  year  of  Ramessu  II. 

The  first  datum,  of  the  Qth  of  Epiphi,  is  the  only  one 
which  seems  divergent  from  the  chronology  to  which 
we  are  led  by  Manetho,  as  the  gth  year  of  Amenhotep 
I.  appears  to  be  nine  years  earlier  than  this,  or  Sirius 
would  have  risen  about  two  days  earlier  in  his  Qth  year. 
If  we  are  to  put  full  weight  on  this  difference,  it  would 
imply  that  the  reign  of  Tahutmes  I.  must  have  been 
shorter  than  is  stated  by  Manetho.  In  another  point 
we  may  see  an  unexpected  agreement.  The  "era  of 
Menophres,"  mentioned  as  the  starting-point  of  the 
Sirius  cycle  in  1322  B.C.,  has  often  been  speculated  on  ; 
but  the  best  proposal  yet  made  is  that  the  name  is 
Men'peh'ra  (Ramessu  I.),  for  no  king  Men'nefer-ra 
is  known  in  history.  Now,  as  we  see,  the  date  of 
Ramessu  I.  here  comes  to  1328  to  1326  B.C.  This 
difference  of  four  or  five  years  may  be  due  to  a  little 
error  on  either  side.  But,  in  any  case,  the  general 
n— 3 


34  EIGHTEENTH  DYNASTY  [m.  xvm.  i, 

agreement  of  these  dates  deduced  from  the  festivals 
with  those  of  the  lengths  of  the  reigns,  gives  security 
to  the  chronology ;  it  shows  that  in  future  we  shall 
probably  only  deal  with  rectifications  of  a  few  years,  and 
that  no  great  uncertainty  of  generations  or  centuries 
now  rests  on  Egyptian  history  as  far  back  as  the 
XVIIIth  dynasty. 


r  °  *>  i 

V    ^37    ^  ^    J[ 


XVIII.  i.  NEB-PEHTI-RA        ^ 

V    ^-—^   ^  °*    j\      _ 

1562 

s  n    ^.\ 

AAirMES 


Coffin  and  mummy,  Deir  al  Bahri,  G.  Mus.  (Ms.  M.  533). 


Turrah  Inscriptions  (L.D.  in.  3ab). 

Thebes  Brick  building-          (L.D.  iii.  390). 

Semneh,  mentioned  by  Tahutmes  II.  (L.D.  iii.  47 c), 

(Private  monuments) 

Abydos,  tomb  Sa'ast  (M. A.  ii.  53  c). 

Thebes/many  steles  now  in  Turin,  etc.  • 

El  Kab,  tomb  Aahmes  (L.D.  iii.  12  a-d). 

,,          ,,      Pen'nekheb  (L.D.     iii.     43  a-b, 

L.A.  xiv.  A.B.). 

Vase,  alabaster  G.  Mus.  (M.B.  536). 

Hawk,  blue  glaze  G.  Mus.  (M.D.  52  d). 

Vase,  ring  form  G.  Mus.  (W.G.  312).        "**' 

Amulets  and  scarabs. 
Queen,  NEFERTARI. 

Coffin  G.  Mus.  (Ms.  M.  535). 

Mummy  G.  Mus.  destroyed. 

El  Bosra  Inscription  (L.D.  Hi.  3c). 

Karnak  Statue  (W.G.  316). 

Model  adze  Turin  (Rec.  iii.  124). 

Scarabs  and  cylinders. 
Children  (*female) 

•  *Meryt-amen  (Ms.  M.  539,  620-2), 

*Sat-amen,  infant  (Ms.  M.  538,  620-2). 

Sa'pa'ir,  young-  (Ms.  M.  621). 

*Aah*hotep,  queen  (Ms,  M.  545,  620-2). 

Amen'hotep  I.  (Ms.  M.  536). 

.  *Sat*kames  (Ms.  M.  541,  620-2). 


B.C.  I587-I5&.]  AAH-MES  35 

By  An'hapi,  *Hent'ta'meh  Ms.  M.  622). 

By  Tent'hapi,  *Hent*tamehu  (Ms.  M.  543,  623). 

By  Kasmut,  *Tair  (L.D.  iii.  2  a). 

By  x,  Sa'amen,  5-6  years  (Ms.  M.  538,  Ms.  G.  344). 

By  xy  Turs  (L.D.  iii,  2  a,  d). 

By  A;,  Aahmes  (L.D.  iii.  2  a,  d). 

The  great  event  of  the  reign  of  Aahmes  was  the  war 
by  which  he  established  his  power  at  the  beginning1  of 
his  reign,  that  great  war  of  independence  which  was 
the  most  glorious  page  of  Egyptian  history.  We  have 
already  noticed  the  course  of  this  in  the  previous 
chapter.  Within  four  or  five  years,  Aahmes  succeeded 
not  only  in  finally  throwing  off  the  suzerainty  of  the 
Hyksos  kings,  but  also  in  driving  them  out  of  the  Nile 
valley,  in  seizing  on  their  great  centre  of  Hauar  in  the 
eastern  Delta  (probably  Tanis),  and  in  chasing  them 
across  the  desert  into  Palestine,  where,  in  the  fifth 
year,  he  captured  Sharhana,  or  Sharuhen,  upon  the 
southern  border,  some  miles  south  of  Lachish.  He  also 
pushed  on  into  Zahi  (Phoenicia),  where  Pen'nekheb 
states  that  he  took  ten  hands  (L.D.  iii.  43  a).  Having 
then  slaughtered  the  Mentiu  of  Setet,  or  the  Bedawin 
of  the  hill  country,  he  turned  back,  and  found  the  need 
of  his  presence  on  the  opposite  frontier  in  the  south. 
The  southern  races  appear  to  have  pushed  forward  in 
the  rear  of  the  Egyptians  on  their  advance  northward, 
and  to  have  needed  repelling,  as  in  the  time  of 
Usertesen  III.  Going,  therefore,  up  the  Nile,  he  made 
a  great  slaughter  of  the  Anu  Khenti,  and  is  mentioned 
at  Semneh  by  Tahutmes  II.  (L.D.  iii.  47  c). 

His  triumphant  return,  however,  was  greeted  with 
the  news  of  outbreaks  among  the  remains  of  the 
Hyksos  people.  The  expulsion  of  a  race  as  a  whole 
cannot  be  effected  after  several  centuries  of  occupation  ; 
and  though  the  foreign  army  might  be  driven  out,  there 
must  have  been  a  large  part  of  the  population  of  mixed 
race,  ready  to  tolerate  the  Egyptians  if  they  were  the 
conquerors,  but  preferring  an  independent  life.  From 
such  a  source  were,  doubtless,  the  two  last  outbursts  of 
the  war.  Aata  seems  to  have  been  of  a  branch  of  the 


56  NEB-PEHTI-RA  CDYN.  xvm.  i. 

Hyksos   party  who   tried   to    make    headway  up    the 
country  in  the  absence  of  Aahmes  ;  and  Teta'an  after- 
wards was  the  head  of  a  rising*  of  the  half-breed  race, 
who   refused  to  accept  as  yet  the   new 
power   of  the    Egyptians.      Both   were, 
however,  defeated  summarily ;  and  after 
that  there  seems  to  have  been  no  further 
trouble  with   the   Asiatic   people.      The 
FIG.  ID.— Scarab    translation  of  the  biography  of  Aahmes 
of    Aahmes.     the    admiral,    which    has    supplied    the 
KP.  Coll.          foregoing1  details,  has  been  given  in  the 

previous  chapter. 

After  this  we  do  not  find  any  great  events  in  this 
reign.  But  apparently  the  organisation  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  the  repair  of  the  ravages  of  war,  occupied 
the  greater  part  of  the  time.  After  the  victory  in  Syria 
in  the  5th  year,  and  the  southern  campaign  soon  after 
that,  there  is  no  mention  of  any  date  until  the  22nd 
year,  when  attention  was  turned  to  the  rebuilding  of 
the  principal  temples  in  the  capitals.  That  the  most 
important  religious  centres  should  have  remained  so 
long  without  restoration,  shows  how  much  was  needful 
of  the  more  essential  material  growth  of  the  country, 
before  the  objects  of  luxury  and  ambition  could  be 
developed.  It  needed  a  new  generation  to  arise,  before 
the  desolation  of  the  oppression  and  the  war  could  be 
recovered.  ..^ 

The  buildings  at  Memphis  and  Thebes  have  long  ago 
been  swallowed  up  by  later  alterations  and  destruc- 
tions, but  the  record  of  them  is  preserved  in  the 
quarries  of  Turrah,  near  Cairo,  where  a  royal  seal- 
bearer  and  companion,  Neferpert,  carved  two  tablets 
dated  in  the  22nd  year,  recording  the  opening  of 
the  quarries  for  building -stone  for  the  temples  of 
Ptah  at  Memphis  and  of  Amen  at  Thebes  (L.D.  iii, 
3  a,  b).  Special  interest  attaches  to  these  tablets,  as 
on  one  of  them  it  is  stated  that  the  men  employed  were 
of  the  Fenkhu,  a  Syrian  people  who  have  been  generally 
identified  with  Phoenicians,  though  jMuller,  with  his 
characteristic  negation,  will  not  allow  this  to  be  so. 


8.0.1587-1562.]  AAH'MES  37 

Also,  below  the  tablet  is  a  drawing"  of  six  oxen  attached 
to  a  sledge  on  which  is  placed  a  large  block  of  stone  ; 
they  are  attended  by  three  foreigners  with  short  beards. 
Similar  sledges  were  used  in  the  Xllth  dynasty,  as 
pieces  of  these  were  found  broken  up  among  the  filling 
of  the  Illahun  pyramid. 

The  coffin  and  body  of  Aahmes  were  found  at  Deir  el 
Bahri.  The  coffin  is  of  a  new  style,  different  from  that 
which  had  prevailed  from  the  Xlth  to  the  XVIIth 
dynasty.  It  is  still  plain  in  outline,  but  is  less  massive, 
more  shaped  to  the  figure  behind,  and  painted  yellow 
picked  out  with  blue,  instead  of  being  gilt  all  over.  The 
body  of  the  king  is  fairly  preserved,  the  head  long  and 


FIG.  ii.— Oxen  drawing  sledg€.     Turrah. 

small,  the  muscles  strong  and  vigorous.  He  appears 
to  have  been  somewhat  over  fifty  at  his  death.  The 
hair  is  thick  and  wavy,  showing — like  Seqenenra — that 
shaving  the  head  was  not  then  the  fashion.  May  it 
be  that  the  influence  of  the  dominion  of  long-haired 
foreigners  had  not  yet  died  out?  It  is  not  till  the 
XlXth  dynasty  that  a  shaven  head  appears, — that  of 
Sety  I.  The  body  has  not  yet  been  scientifically 
examined. 

The  veneration  for  Aahmes,  and  still  more  for  his 
sister  and  wife  Nefertari,  was  long  continued,  and  is 
more  frequent  than  that  for  any  other  ruler.  Setting 
aside  the  examples  which  cannot  at  present  be  dated, 
the  following  are  the  instances  of  this  worship  : — 


AAH-MES 


[DYN.  xvixf.  t. 


A.=Aahmes,  N,  =  Nefertari,  Am.=:Amenhotep  I.) 


Abydos    .     . 

Anay  adoring  Osiris  and 

N                    ... 

M  A.  1080 

Karnak   .     . 

Nebsu    adoring   Sitamen, 

Early 

N.,  Am.,  Sapair    . 

M.D.  89. 

XVIII. 

Thebes    .     . 

Hymn  of  praise  to  N.  and 

Pap.  Tur.  27, 

Am  

28. 

Thebes     .     . 

Panekht.    Tomb  50  . 

C.N.  i.  542. 

Tahut.  I.  . 

Edfu        .     . 

luf  adoring  Am.  and  Aah' 

hotep      .... 

Rec.  ix.  93. 

Tahut.  II.     . 

Thebes     .     , 

.  .  .  adoration  to  Am.,  N., 

Tahutmes    I.    and    II., 

Sapair  .... 

Rec.  iii.  113. 

Tahut.  III.  . 

Thebes    .     . 

Senmen,  priest  of  A.,  etc.  . 

L.  D.     iii.     25 

bis  g. 

Tahut.  IV.   . 

(P.  Mus.)      . 

Pa'aa'aqa    mentions    the 

god  A  

P.R.  ii.  14. 

Amenp.  III. 

(B.  Mus.)      . 

Hor  :  pray  suten'du'hotep 

T.S.B.A.  viii. 

to  Hor,  Anpu,  and  N.    . 

144. 

T  s»tf> 

Thebes    .     . 

Unnef  offering  to  Am.  and 

lactic 

YVTTT 

N.     Tomb  40 

C.N.  i.  534. 

W  V  ill. 

(B.  Mus.)     r 

.  .  .  adoration  to  Am.,  N., 

and  Sat'kames 

A.B.  30. 

Sety  I.      .     . 

Thebes    .     . 

.  .  .  offering  to  Am.  and  N. 

Tomb  32 

C.N.  i.  520-5. 

,,          . 

Qurneh    .     . 

Sety    offering    to    sacred 

bark  of  N. 

C.N.  ii.  52. 

M          •     • 

(T.  Mus.)     . 

Sety  offering  to  Am.  and 

-«!*. 

N  

Rec.  iii.  113. 

Rams.  II.     , 

Karnak    .     . 

Ramessu  adoring  N.    S. 

wall,  great  temple  . 

L.D.  iii.  147  a. 

»        •     • 

Ramesseum 

Statues  carried  of  A.  and 

Am.  by  priests 

C.M.  149. 

j>        <     « 

Qurneh    .     . 

Ramessu  offering   to    N. 

Room  Q  . 

L.D.  iii.  151  c. 

>»        •    • 

»>        •     • 

Ramessu  offeringtoAmen., 

N.,  and  Am.  . 

C.M.  150,  3. 

M        «     . 

»        •     • 

Ramessu  dancing  before 

Amen  and  N. 

C.M.  150,  2. 

»        •     • 

»>        •    • 

Sacred  bark  of  N.  borne 

by  1  2  priests  . 

C.M.  150  bis. 

t)        • 
>j         •     « 

i 
Deir  el    .     .  < 
Mcdineh  .     .  < 

\  Kasa  adoring  Am..  and  N.  i 
[  Qen  adoring  Am.,  N.,  and  j 
>     sister  Merytamen  .        .  < 

!       S.B.A. 
|      viii.  226, 
« 

c.  1587-1562.] 
lams.  II.     . 


WORSHIPPED  AFTER  DEATH 


39 


Qurneh    .     . 

Qen,  servant  of 

Am,                       On  disc 

Huy,  priest  of             of 
Am.                        stone, 

Rec.  iii.  103 

Nebra,   kherheb    G.  Mus. 

' 

of  Am. 

Am.,   Aah* 

(T.  Mus.)      . 

offetingt6"      SaUmcn," 

L.A.  xi. 

Sapair 

' 

Thebes     .     . 

Amenemapt    adoring    N. 

and  Am. 

C.M.  153. 

Thebes     .     . 

Neferhotep  offering  to  Am. 

and  N.     Tomb  53  . 

C.N.  549. 

Thebes     .     . 

Penbui  offering    to    Am., 

N.  x,  Ramessu  I.,  Hor- 

L.D.  iii    171 

(Copenhagen) 

Nebnefer  adoring  N.  (older 

stele  usurped) 

Rec.  ii.  181, 

Thebes    .     . 

Anhurkhaui    adoring    A., 

N.,  Am.,  etc.,  etc. 

L.D.  iii.  2d 

paintings    of 

N.  and  Am.    . 

L.D.  iii.  i. 

Thebes    .     . 

Khabekht  adoring  A.,  N., 

Am.,  etc.,  etc. 

L.D.  iii.  2  a 

Karnak    .     . 

Herhor     adoring    Amen, 

Mut,  Khonsu,  and  N.     . 

L.D.  iii.  246 

,,          . 

Graffito     on     temple      of 

Amenhotep  II. 

W.G.  315. 

„  ?  . 
„  ?  . 

Rams.  III. 
Rams.  IV. 

Rams.  IV. 
Herhor  . 
XXI  dyn. 


There  are,  besides  these,  many  examples  of  adoration 
not  dated,  such  as  Unnefer  (T.  Mus.  1448),  Thentnub 
(T.  Mus.  1565),  Pa-nefu*errrdu*amen  (T.  Mus.  2430 
and  Rec.  iii.  no),  Pa'neshi  (T.  Mus.  3053);  the  sedem 
asht  officials  Uazmes  (T.  Mus.  1369),  Hotepbuaa  (T. 
Mus.  1449),  Pen'ta'en'abtu  (T.  Mus.  3032),  Penbua 
(Rec.  ii.  119),  and  lairnuf  (Rec.  ii.  171).  Also  Tyuti 
(Rec.  iii.  109),  Nebmes  (Rec.  xiii.  119),  Mesamen 
(W.G.S.  35),  Ra  (M.A.  1097),  Zamerkau  (Rec.  ix.  39), 
Aa  (Rec.  iii.  113),  ....unba  (Pr.  M.  25,  i),  Nekht  (CM. 
162,  2),  Ast  (C.N.  ii.  698),  Dudua  (Lieb.  553),  etc. 

From  these  it  is  seen  that  Nefertari  was  adored  as  a 
divinity  on  the  same  footing  as  the  great  gods  of  Thebes. 
She  had  a  priesthood,  and  a  large  sacred  shrine  on  a 


40  AAH'MES  [DYN.  XVIH.  t. 

bark  borne  in  processions  ;  and  suten'du'hotep  formulae 
were  recited  to  her.  Of  small  remains  of  this  reign 
there  are  not  many.  An  alabaster  vase  (G.  Mus. ;  M.B, 
536)  bears  the  name  and  the  Hor  nub  title,  thes  taui. 
A  hawk  in  blue  glazed  ware  bears  the  royal  names 
on  the  crown,  and  on  the  under  side  of  the  base  are 
three  bound  captives,  negro,  Libyan,  and  Syrian.  A 
ring-shaped  vase  is  said  to  be  in  the  Ghizeh  Museum 
(W.G.  312).  Scarabs  and  amulets  of  this  king  are 
common  ;  but  are  of  no  interest  in  the  types,  excepting 
a  plaque  of  green  felspar  with  names  of  Aahmes  on  one 
side  and  Amenhotep  on  the  other,  probably  made  in  the 
latter  reign  for  some  official  who  served  under  both 
kings.  (Abydos,  M.A.  1421.) 


NEFERTARI  or  AAHMES  'NEFERTARI 
was  the  sister  and  wife  of  Aahmes  ; 
through  her  descended  all  the  rights 
of  the  royal  line,  and  she  was  adored  for  many  centuries 
as  the  great  ancestress  and  foundress.  We  have 
already  noticed  her  worship  with  that  of  her  husband 
and  son.  She  is  styled  on  contemporary  monuments  as 
the  "  royal  daughter,  royal  sister,  great  royal  wife, 
royal  mother,  great  ruler  (athy)^  mistress  of  both 
lands"  (L.D.  iii.  3  a,  b). 

Her  coffin  was  found  at  Deir  el  Bahri.  It  is  made  of 
layers  of  linen  glued  together  and  covered  with  stucco. 
Such  a  material  would  not  well  bear  to  be  formed  in  long 
flat  masses,  and  the  division  of  the  coffin  is  therefore 
around  the  middle,  and  not  from  head  to  foot.  It  is  10 
feet  4  inches  high  ;  painted  yellow  picked  out  with 
blue,  like  the  coffin  of  Aahmes.  The  arms  are  repre- 
sented as  crossed  on  the  breast,  holding  an  ankh  in 
either  hand.  The  body  is  covered  with  an  hexagonal 
network  in  relief,  and  the  wig  with  a  chevron  net. 
Within  this  great  coffin  were  two  mummies,  one  of 
Ramessu  III. ;  the  other  was  unnamed j  and  probably  of 
this  queen.  Unhappily  it  was  left  without  examination 
for  over  four  years,  amid  the  damp  of  the  Nile  shores  ; 


B.C.  1587-1562.] 


NEFERTARI 


it  was  then  found  to  be  decomposing1,  and  was  "pro- 
visionally interred,"  without  any  scientific  study  of  its 
characteristics.  The  racial  details  would  have  been  of 
the  highest  interest,  in 
comparison  with  the  rest 
of  the  family.  Thus  dis- 
appeared the  most  vener- 
ated "figure  of  Egyptian 
history. 

A  seated  statue  of  the 
queen  —  now  headless — 
lies  at  Karnak,  in  the 
first  court,  behind  the 
obelisks  (W. 0.316);  and 
several  smaller  statuettes 
are  known,  one  of  stone 
(T.  Mus.)  and  four  of 
wood  (T.  Mus.  Berl.  Stutt- 
gart). A  small  model 
adze,  nen>  of  wood  bears 
her  name  (T.  Mus. ;  Rec. 
iii.  124).  Many  scarabs 
of  hers  are  known,  but 
^none  are  of  importance. 
A  piece  of  open  work  in 
wood  shows  Nefertari 
and  Amenhotep  seated 
(T.  Mus.). 

The  family  of  Aahmes 
was  numerous,  and  needs 
some  notice.  His  wife 
and  also  his  children 
frequently  adopted  the 
name  Aahmes  within  their 
cartouches  ;  and  all  his 

children,   except   Sapair,      _  **.**<*.       ™  f 

have  their  names  in  car-     Fia  x*-Coffl&££ hmes  Nefertan- 
touches.    There  was  thus 

an  irregularity  in  the  usage  which  is  not  found  at  any 
other  period. 


AAH-MES 


[DYN.  XVIII.  X, 


The  principal  authority  that  we  have  for  the  family  is 
through  the  subsequent  worship  of  them.      The  two 

tombs  which  we  have  named 
before,  Anhurkhaui  (L.D. 
iii.  2  d)  and  Khabekht 
(L.D.  iii.  2  a)  agree  in 
naming  the  following  per- 
sons, after  the  ascending 
line  of  Amenhotep,  his 
father  or  mother,  and  his 
grandmother  ;  they  are, 
therefore,  according  to  all 
analogy,  his  brothers  and 
sisters,  namely,  *Meryt" 
amen  (*Tair,  mother 
*Kasmut),  *Sat*amen, 
Sa'amen,  *Sat'kames, 
*Henfta-meh,  *Turs, 
*Aahmes,  Sa'pa'ir  (females 
marked  *).  Those  in  loops 
here  occur  only  in  the 
second  of  these  tombs ;  and 
from  Tair  being  a  royal 
sister  and  Kasmut  a  divine 
mother,  it  appears  as  if 


FIG.  13.—- Statuette  of  Nefertari. 
Turin. 


Tair  was  an  early  child  of 
Aahmes,  and  therefore  irri-*" 
portant,    but     by    a     wife 

Kasmut  who  was  not  in  the  royal  line  of  descent.     The 
other  children  were  mostly  found  at  Deir  el  Bahri. 

Meryt/amen  A  mummy  falsely  labelled  as  hers  p.  539 

Sat'amen  Coffin  and  mummy  (false)       Died  an  infant  538 

Sa'amen  Coffin  and  mummy                  Died  an  infant  538 

Ametrhotep  Coffin  and  mummy  537 

Aah'hotep  Coffin  (no  mummy)  545 

Sat'kames  Mummy  only                             Died  about  30  541 


Also  Hent'tamehu,  coffin  and  mummy,  dau.  of  Thenthapi       543 
Mes'henfthemhu,  coffin  and  mummy  (false)  544 


FAMILY 


43 


The  pages  refer  to  the  account  of  the  remains  in 
Ms.  M.  How  many  of  these  were  born  of  Nefertari  is 
not  certain.  But  it  seem  probable  that  the  order  was — 


Died  young- 
Died  infant 
Died  young1,  heir 
Died  infant 


FIG.  14. — Plaque 
of  Merytamen. 
F.P.  Coll. 


Meryt'amen  Eldest  dau.  of  Nefertari 

Sat'amen  Second  dau.  of  Nefertari 

Sa'pa'ir  Eldest  son  of  Nefertari 

Sa'amen  Second  son  of  Nefertari 

Aah'hotep  Third  dau.  of  Nefertari  Queen 

Amenhotep  Third  son  of  Nefertari  King 

Sat'kames  Fourth  dau.  of  Nefertari         Died  about  30 

The  special  worship  of  these  first  four  children,  al- 
though three  of  them  certainly  died  young, 
points  to  their  having  been  elder  than  the 
reigning  survivors  ;  only  such  a  preced- 
ence would  be  likely  to  ensure  the  con- 
tinued adoration  of  mere  infants.  Also, 
either  Amenhotep  I.  or  Tahutmes  I.  must 
have  been  born  rather  late  in  the  family, 
in  order  to  fill  out  the  length  of  the 
reigns.  This  mortality  of  these  children 
would  therefore  account  for  the  time 
elapsed. 

Of  the  other  children,  Hent'tamehu  was  born  of  the 
royal  daughter  Thenthapi,  as  inscribed  on  her  bandages 
(Ms.  M.  544).  She  lived  till  the  next 
reign,  as  she  is  called  royal  sister  on 
her  coffin,  and  on  a  contemporary 
slab  of  sculpture  (Fig.  15)  (F.P.  Coll.). 
Hent'ta*meh  was  born  of  the  queen 
Anhapi  (C.N.  513  ;  L.D.  iii.  8 a). 

Tair  was  born  of  Kasmut,  probably 
(L.D.  iii.  2  a).  There  has  been  a 
question  as  to  the  prince  Sa'pa'ir, 
whose  name  often  occurs,  and  who 
seems  to  have  died  young ;  from  his 
prominence  he  was  probably  the 
heir,  but  it  was  debated  whether 
he  can  be  the  same  as  the  king 
(Ahmes'sa'pa'ir),  whose  tomb  was  examined  by  the 
Ramesside  inspectors  and  found  intact.  Noting  how 


FIG.  15. — Inscription 
of  the  Princess 
Ahmes-hcnfta-meh. 
Qurneh,  F.P.  ColL 


44 


AAH-MES 


[DYN.  xvm.  x.J 


loosely  cartouches  were  employed  at  this  time,  and  how 
most  of  the  family  of  Aahmes  have  his  name  included 
with  theirs,  it  seems  probable  that  these  two  names 
belonged  to  one  person  ;  and  the  matter  is  settled  by  a 
part  of  a  stele  erected  by  him,  on  which  he  is  called 
"the  king's  son  Aahmes  who  is  named  Sa'pa'ir" 
(P.P.  Coll.).  The  difficulty  that  he  is  called  king  in 
the  Ramesside  papyrus  is  perhaps  most  likely  disposed 
of  by  the  possibility  of  the  scribe  having  dropped 
out  sa  from  the  title  sa  mien,  or  king's  son.  No 

other  king  in  that  document 
is  mentioned  without  the 
double  cartouche,  except 
Antef  IV.,  who  may  not 
have  had  a  second  name  ; 
and  therefore,  as  this  car- 
touche is  single,  it  is  the 
more  likely  to  belong  to  a 
king's  son.  A  limestone 
stamp  for  (Sa*ra*sa*amen) 
found  at  Thebes  is  exactly 
like  another  for  (Seqenenra) . 
But  as  no  earlier  Sa'amen  is 
known,  it  seems  not  unlikely 
that  these  stamps  might 

F  by  'STki^-f  ^^^Thta    both  have  been  mad.e  at  th« 

name  is  Sa -pa -ir,"  with  figure  of    same  time  for  sealing  en- 

F  P  PCoT  aS  a  b°y'     QUrneh>    dowment    property   of   the 

tombs.       The    title    Sa'ra 

might  be  given  perhaps  to  the  king's  son  during  his 
minority,  as  he  was  of  the  divine  descent  (M.D.  52  b). 
A  scarab  (B.  Mus.)  may  belong  to  this  prince  (P.  Sc. 

853)-  . 

A   limestone    base   of    a    head- rest   (?)  is  inscribed, 

u  Made  by  the  hon  kay  of  (Mert'amen)  Amenhotep. 
Hathor  over  Thebes"  (P.P.  Coll.)  ;  and  a  bar  of  wood 
bears  the  name  of  the  * '  royal  sister  (Aahmes,  Amen'mer  ") 
(F.  Mus.;  S.  Cat,  F.  1564).  Two  scarabs  are  known 
(B.  Mus. ;  G.  Coll. ;  P.  Sc.  854-5).  Also  a  cone  of  Mahu, 
chief  priest  of  Meryt'amen  (M.A.F.  viii.  279,  72). 


CB.C.  1562-1541-] 


AMENHOTEP I 


45 


XVIII.  2.  ZESER-KA-RA 


AMENHOTEP  I. 


FIG.  17. — Cartouches  from 
carved  wood.    F.  P.  Coll. 


Coffin  and  mummy,  Deir  cl  Bahri 
Inspection  of  tomb,  Abbott  Pap. 


(Ms.  M.  536). 
(Ms.  E.  223-4). 


Karnak 
Thebes 


Deir  el  Bahri 
Medinet  Habu 

Shut  er  Regal 

Silsileh 
Kom  Ombo 
I  brim 
Meroe 


Granite  jamb  (L.D.  iii.4a). 

Seated  statue,  limestone       (M.K.  380). 

Named  by  Taharka  (M.K.  42)]. 

Temple 

Sketch  on  limestone,  G.  Mus.  (V.G.  537). 

Sketch  on  limestone,  T.Mus.(Rec.  iii.  124). 

Statue,  Turin  Mus. 

Bricks  (L.D.  iii.  6b). 

Statue,  limestone,  G.  Mus.  (V.G.  698). 

(  Inscription  (P.S.  480). 

)  Inscription  of  Penaati       (P.S.  476). 
Tablet  of  Paynamen  ( L.  D.  iii.  200  b). 

Door  jamb  (A.Z.  xxi.  78). 

King  under  canopy,  stele     (R.S.  xxviii.  i). 
Wooden  tablets  (T.  Mus. ) 


Statuette  T.  Mus. 

Part  of  stele  with  head  G.  Mus.  (V.G.  693) 


Naos  fragment 

Black  granite  altar 

Vase 

Vase 

Brick  stamp 

Wooden  tablets 


G.  Mus. 

Berlin  (2292) 

Berlin  (1637  b) 

Louvre 

B.  Mus.  (5993) 

Various 


(L.T.  1372). 


kW.G.  321). 
(B.P.  12). 


Cylinders,  plaques,  and  scarabs. 


Private  monuments,  contemporary? 

Aahmes  Tomb,  El  Kab      (L.D.  iii.  12  ;  R.P.  vi.  5). 

Pen-nekheb  Tomb,  El  Kab      (L.A.  xiv.  A.B.;  R.P.  iv.  5), 

Amenemheb  Keeper  of  palace  (Lb.  P.  3). 

Amenemhat  Tomb,  Qurneh 

Hery  Tomb,DrahNeg.  (C.M.  51  j.). 

Tahutmes  Palette  (Sabatier,  Rec.  xiv.  56). 


46  ZESERKARA  CDYN.  xvm.  2. 

Sen'em'aah  Stele  (G.  Mus.;  M.A.  1047), 

Ha-nefer  Stele  (P.  Mus.  C.  47;  P.R.  ii.  48). 

x,  Am.  I.  and  Nefertari  offering  (L.D.  iii.  4  e). 

Kars,  stele,  loth  year  An).  I.  (Rec.  ix.  94). 


Later? 

Pen'amen,  kher'heb  of  Am.  I.     P.  Mus. 

(P.R.  ii.  64). 

#,  adoration  of  A 

m.  I.     F.  Mus. 

(S.  Cat.  F.  1563). 

Pentaurt  statue,  with  ram's  head.     Vienna 

Rec.  ix.  50). 

.r,  stele,  figures  of  Am.  I.  and  Nefertari.    B. 

Mus. 

H.B.  ix.  i). 

Pa  'amen,  part  statue.     F.  Mus. 

S.  Cat.  F.  1723). 

Nekht  adoring  Am.  I.  and  Sapair 

R.S.  xxix.  3). 

Coffin,  with  Am. 

I.  as  sphinx.     Mealeli 

(Rec.  ix.  82). 

Am.  I.  and  Tahut.  I.  adoring  gods.     B.  Mus.      (H.B.  i). 

Kaha  offering  to 

Am.  I.,  time  of  Rams.  11 

(H.B.  v.  i). 

x  adoring  Am.  I. 

and  Rams.  II.     Pisa 

(Rec.  i.   136;  iii. 

103). 

Amenhotep,  priest  of  Am.  I.     Book  of  Dead         (Deveria  Cat.  56). 

Amen'mes,         ,, 

,,            Tomb.     Thebes     (R.S.  iii.  181). 

Pa  'shed 

Altar.     B. 

Mus.    (Lb.  D.  566). 

Hayt 

Stele.      B. 

Mus.    (Rec.  ii.  186). 

Amennekhtu 

Statuette                Leyden 

(Rec.  iii.  104). 

Nekhtu 

Statuette                Berlin 

(W.G.  321). 

Anhurkhaui 

Tomb,  Ram.  IV.  Thebes 

(L.D.  iii.  2d). 

Khabekht 

Tomb                      Thebes 

(L.D.  iii.  2  a). 

Ta'nezemt  adoring  Am.  I.     Papyrus,  XX.  dyn. 

Turin  (L.T.  1784). 
Ankh'f'en'amen,  coffin,  Isis,  Am.  I.  and  Nebhat 

Helsingfors  (Lb.  P.  71). 

(Besides  those  in  list  of  adorers  in  previous  reign,  see  p.  38.) 

Queens — AAH'HOTEP  II.       Coffin,  Deir  el  Bahri. 
~  SEN'SENB  Ostrakon  (A.S.  xxix.  117).    * 

Temple  of  Deir  el  Bahri. 

Children  (by  Aah'hotep) — 

Amen'mes  Tomb  of  Paheri  (N.A.P.X.). 

Uaz-mes  Tomb  of  Paheri  (N.A.P.X.). 

Aah'mes,  afterwards  queen. 
Nebt'ta  Scarab  (F.P.  Coll.;   L.K. 

328). 
Mufnefert  Statue  at  Karnak  (M.K.  38  b  4). 

(by  Sen'senb) — 

Tahutmes  I.  Ostrakon  (A.Z.  xxix.  117). 

Temple  of  Deir  el  Bahri. 

For  the  events  of  this  reign  we  are  "dependent  on  the 
biography  of  the  admiral  Aahmes  at   El  Kab,  which 


B.C.  1568^x541.] 


AMENHOTEP  I 


47 


we  have  before  quoted  in  the  previous  reign  of  king* 
Aahmes,  and  the  repulsion  of  the  Hyksos.  At  the 
beginning  of  this  reign  Aahmes  was  about  44  years 
old  ;  and  he  relates :  "It  was  my  lot  to  convey  king 
Zaserkara,  makheru^  on  his  journey  up  to  Kush  for 
the  purpose  of  extending  the  frontiers  of  Egypt.  His 
majesty  smote  that  An  Khent  in  the  midst  of  his 
troops  ;  brought  bound,  not  one  was  lost,  journeying 
and  leaning  over  (wearied)  as  those  who  exist  not. 

"Behold  I  was  at  the  head  of  our  soldiers,  and  I 
fought  in  very  truth.  His  majesty  was  witness  of  my 
valour  as  I  carried  off 
two  hands  and  brought 
them  to  his  majesty. 
We  pursued  his  people 
and  his  cattle.  I  took 
a  living  prisoner  and 
brought  him  to  his 
majesty.  In  two  days 
I  brought  his  majesty 
back  to  Egypt  from  the 
upper  well.  And  I  was 
presented  with  the 
gold,  and  two  female 
slaves,  and  .  .  .  beside 
those  which  I  had 
brought  to  his  majesty, 
and  I  was  raised  to  the 
dignity  of  "  Warrior  of 
the  king."  The  sub- 
sequent part  refers  to  the  next  reign. 

Another  important  account  is  that  of  Pen'nekheb  at 
El  Kab,  who  also  lived  through  the  earlier  part  of  this 
dynasty.  Of  this  reign  he  says  :  "  I  followed  the  king 
Zaserkara,  makheru.  I  took  for  him  in  Kush  one 
prisoner  alive  "  (L.  A.  xiv.  A.  B.).  And  again  he  states 
that  on  the  north  of  the  Amukehak  he  took  three 
hands  (L.D.  iii,  43  a). 

From  these  accounts  we  see  that  one  Nubian  cam- 
paign was  a  brief  one,  a  mere  raid  to  sweep  the  country 


FIG.  18.— Head  of  Araenhotep  I. 


48  ZESERKARA  [DYN.  xvm.  2. 

and  crush  any  opposition  ;  and  there  is  no  evidence  of 
any  subsequent  war  there.  The  capture  of  the  fighting 
men,  and  driving  of  them  down  into  Egypt  as  slaves, 
bound  and  exhausted,  almost  dead  with  fatigue  in  the 
forced  march,  is  put  in  a  few  words.  But  another 
important  war  was  that  against  the  Amukehak,  who 
appear  to  have  been  a  Libyan  race,  part  of  the 
Tahenu  or  "fair  people."  There  had  long  been 
occasional  war  on  this  side  of  the  land.  Herkhuf  had 
joined  in  plundering  the  Temehu  of  the  oases,  in  the 
Vlth  dynasty.  The  western  people  had  occupied  Upper 
Egypt  in  the  Vllth-IXth  dynasties.  Usertesen  I.  had 
attacked  the  oases  or  the  Natron  lakes  in  the  expedition 
mentioned  by  Sanehat.  But  the  rising  power  of  the 
XVIIIth  dynasty  was  quite  able  to  overcome  any 
opposition  in  that  quarter  ;  and  Amenhotep  rested 
secure  in  his  triumph  on  the  south  and  west,  and  in  his 
father's  triumph  on  the  north. 


The  tomb  of  Amenhotep  was  visited  by  the  Ramesside 
inspectors,  who  give  a  longer  account  of  it  than  of 
the  others.  Its  place  is  at  present  quite  unknown. 
They  state  :  "  The  eternal  setting  (horizon)  of  the  king 
(Zesarkara),  son  of  the  sun  (Amenhotep),  which  has 
1 20  cubits  of  depth  in  its  great  hall,  as  well  as  the  long^ 
passage  which  is  on  the  north  of  the  temple  of  Amen- 
hotep of  the  garden  (on  which  the  chief  Pa'sar  of  the 
town  made  his  report  to  the  monarch  Khamuas,  to  the 
royal  officer  Nessu'amen,  to  the  scribes  of  Pharaoh,  to 
the  keeper  of  the  house  of  the  divine  adoress  of  Amenra 
king  of  the  gods  (i.e.  the  queen),  to  the  royal  officer 
Ra'nefer'ka'envpa'amen,  to  the  herald  of  Pharaoh,  to 
the  supreme  magistrates,  saying,  *  The  robbers  have 
robbed  it ' ) ;  examined  this  day,  it  was  found  intact 
by  the  masons  "  (Ms.  E.  223-4).  We  may  notice  that 
this  tomb  was  peculiar  among  those  examined  for  the 
great  depth  of  the  excavation  into  the  rock,  over  200 
feet  long.  No  other  tombs  on  this  outer  face  of  the 
cliffs  approached  this  extent,  the  long  tombs  being  all 


B.C.  1562-1541.} 


AMENHOTEP  I 


49 


on  the  other  face  of  the  cliff 
in  the  valley  of  the  Biban  el 
Meluk.  This  was,  in  fact, 
the  first  of  the  class  of  long" 
sepulchres  which  prevailed 
in  the  XVIIIth-XXth  dynas- 
ties. The  exact  position  of 
it  is  yet  unknown,  but  the 
temple  of  Amenhotep  has 
been  found  (in  1896)  on  the 
edge  of  the  desert  by  Drah 
abul  Negga. 

The  coffin  and  mummy  of 
the  king  were  in  the  great 
find  at  Deir  el  Bahri.  The 
coffin  is  as  simple  in  form 
as  those  of  the  Xlth  and 
XVI  Ith  dynasties;  but  is 
much  poorer,  being  only 
painted  and  not  gilt.  It  is 
remarkable  that  none  of  the 
coffins  of  this  or  later  dynas- 
ties approach  the  magnifi- 
cence of  those  which  went 
before ;  the  despised  Antefs 
and  the  obscure  Seqenenra 
and  Aah'hotep  lay  in  far 
grander  state  than  any  of 
their  successors.  Apparently 
the  attention  arid  care  were 
directed  from  the  casing  of 
the  body  to  providing  the 
enormous  halls  and  corridors 
cut  in  the  rock,  which  then 
came  into  fashion.  The 
coffin  of  Amenhotep  shows 
the  rise  of  the  bands  of 
hieroglyphics  across  it,  which 

were     simulated     from     the 

bandages     of    the     mummy    Fia  i^-^offin  o^fAmenhotep  i. 


50  ZESERKARA  TDYN.  xvni 

within,  and  which  bore  inscriptions  adoring"  the  fo 
genii  of  the  internal  organs.  On  the  mummy  is  a  mai 
of  wood  and  cartonnage,  like  that  of  the  coffin  outsid 
DThe  body  is  surrounded  by  wreaths,  and  has  not  y 
*  ^n  examined  (Ms.  M.  536). 

adorning   tff  bui^  at  Karnak  ;  probably  adding  to  ai 
granite  jamljP    old   temple   of  the    Xllth    dynasty, 
hard   stone./0   remaining   shows    that    he    worked 
these   (M.$f     He   a^so   placed   statues   there:    one 
rearranged^*   3^c   and   text)   was   later  removed   ai 
tion  in  hi^  ky  Tahutmes   III.,  who   added  an  ihscri 
and  the  h(*s  22nd  year ;   this  is  of  silicious  Hmestor 
middle  cjfea(^  is  somewhat  injured ;  it  is  placed  at  t 
I      (No/*f  the  west  wing  of  the   pylon   of  Tahutm 
from   Tfi    lx-     Baedeker).       Another    statue,     perha 
arnak,   is    at   the    Luxor    Hotel,   but  is    mu< 
(W.G.   320).     A  very   fine   statue   was   foui 
/edinet   Habu    (G.Mus.    V.G.   698)   with  a   figu 
efertari  on  the  back-pillar,  and  the  name  of  Se 
5ded.     A  limestone  statuette  of  delicate  work 
Ibtless   from   Thebes  (T.    Mus.;   L.T.   1372).     T\ 
fetches  on  flakes  of  limestone  (also  from  Thebes 
re,  one  in  Turin   (Rec.    iii.    124)   and   one  at   Ghiz 

.G.  537)- 

Amenhotep   also   built   on   the  western  side  of  t 
river  ;  we  have  already  seen  the  mention  of  his  temp 
in  the  Abbott  papyrus,  and  Lepsius  brought  a  brick 
his  from  Deir  el  Bahri  (L.D.  iii.  6  b). 

Above  Thebes  the  royal  architect  Penaati  records  h 
office  under  Amenhotep  I.,  and  three  following  king 
on  the  rocks  at  Shut  er  Regal  (P.S.  357,  476).  Anoth 
graffito,  near  that,  names  Amenhotep  as  "  beloved 
Horus,  lord  of  Mehit "  ;  that  is,  the  capital  of  tl 
Oryx  nome.  And  at  Silsileh  Paynamen  carved  a  figu 
and  inscription  of  the  king.  This  activity  in  the  san 
stone  region  accords  with  the  adoption  of  this  sto 
for  building  material  in  the  XVIIIth  dynasty,  in  pla 
of  the  limestone  which  had  been  mainly  in  use  befoi 


B.c.is6a-is4«.)  AMENHOTEP  I  51 

At  Kom  Ombo  a  door  jamb  bears  the  names  of  this 
king  (A.Z.  xxi.  78). 

In  Nubia  a  large  scene  at  Ibrim  shows  the  king 
seated  under  a  canopy,  attended  by  two  fly-flappers 
and  a  fan-bearer  ;  behind  the  scene  is  the  goddess  Sati, 
standing  as  protecting  him  (R.S.  xxviii.  i).  And  at 
Meroe  were  found  small  wooden  tablets  engraved  with 
figures  (T.  Mus.;  see  below). 

Of  monuments  from  unknown  sites  are, — a  good 
head  and  cartouches  (from  part  of  a  private  stele  of 
Pa*fu'n*amen)  in  the  Ghizeh  Museum  (V.G.  693)  ;  the 
fragment  of  a  naos  (G.  Mus.;  W.G.  321);  a  black 
granite  altar  at  Berlin  (2292)  ; 
two  vases,  one  in  Berlin,  with 
mark  of  contents  of  n  hins, 
holding  317  cub.  ins.,  or  28^8  for 
the  hin  (W.G.  321);  the  other 
vase  in  P.  Mus.  ;  and  a  brick 
stamp  (B.  Mus.,  B.P.  12).  The 
small  wooden  tablets  with  carved 
faces,  incised  and  filled  in  with 
blue,  are  found  in  several 
museums ;  they  evidently  come 
from  one  hand,  but  may  have  F!°-  ao.-Wooden  tablet, 
,  ,.  1  •  for  ,  Amenhotep  I.  Brit.  Mus. 

been  discovered  in  different  sites.  * 

The  subjects  are  the  king  riding  in  a  two-horse  chariot 
(B.  Mus.,  A.B.  30),  the  king  smiting  down  enemies 
(five  in  P.  Mus.,  from  Salt  Coll.,  R.S.  iii.  i.  107  ;  Tav. 
ii.),  and  one  in  Turin,  said  to  be  from  Meroe,  with  two 
cartouches  placed  on  the  sam  and  lotus. 

Scarabs  are  very  common  in  this  reign,  many  of 
peculiarly  rough  work ;  there  are  also  some  square 
plaques,  and  two  cylinders.  One  cylinder  has  figures 
of  the  king  standing  (P.P.  Coll.);  a  scarab  (P.  Mus.) 
has  the  king  spearing  an  enemy,  accompanied  by  a 
hunting  leopard.  A  carnelian  stone  (G.  Mus.)  shows 
an  entirely  new  system  of  patterning,  by  altering  the 
texture  of  it  to  opaque  white  ;  the  subject  is  the  same 
as  the  last,  but  around  it  are  circles  of  small  dots,  with 
a  larger  one  in  the  midst  of  each  circle  :  as  such  a 


ZESERKARA 


[DVN.  xviii.  2. 


pattern  is  distinctively  foreign  (Mediterranean),  it  points 
to  this  process  belonging  to  foreign  work.  The  private 
remains  bearing  the  name  of  the  king  are  none  of 
particular  value  historically,  and  are  sufficiently  in- 
dicated in  the  list  at  the  head  of  this  reign. 


FIG.  21. — Scarab 
of  Aalrhotep. 
F.P.  Coll. 


AAH'HOTEP  II.     The  coffin  of  this  queen,  who  trans- 
mitted the  line  of  royal  descent,  was  found  at  Deir  el 
Bahri.     It  is   like   that   of  her   mother 
Nefertari,  already  described  p.  40  ;  and 
its  internal  size  effectually  proves  that  it 
belongs  to  a  different  queen  from  that 
of  the  coffin  in  which  the  jewellery  was 
found    (Ms.    M.    545).     Scarabs    of  the 
queen  are  known  (Louvre;  F.P.  Coll.), 
and  also  a  glazed  stone  menat(F.P.  Coll.). 
We  now  reach  another  of  the  tangled  questions  of 
the  family  history.     Amen'mes  has  been  regarded  as  a 
son  of  Tahutmes  I.,  and  with  him  goes  also  Uazmes, 
his  brother,  as  stated  in  the  tomb 
of  Paheri.     The   best  ground  for 
this  view  is  the  inscription  of  the 
4th  year   of  Tahutmes   I.  by  the 
"  king's  great  son,  commander  of 
the  troops  of  his  father."     This  is 
prima  facie  ground  for  ascribing 
Amenmes  as  son  of  Tahutmes  I.; 
but  the  inscription  only  states  that 
he  commanded  his  father's  troops, 
and  not  who  his  father  was.     On 
considering    the  ages,    difficulties 
at  once  appear.     For,  at  the  first 
glance,  Tahutmes   II.  was   about 
30  at    his    death    (Ms.    M.    547), 
reigned  13  years,  and  therefore  succeeded  at  17,  and 
was  born  in  the  8th  year  of  the  reign  of  Tahutmes  I. 
Is  it  likely  that  Tahutmes  I.  would   have  a  son  old 
enough  to  be  commander-in-chief  in  the  4th   year   of 
his  reign,  and  yet  be  succeeded  by  a  son  born  in  the 


B.C  1563-1541.]  AAH-HOTEP  53 

8th  year  of  his  reign  ?  His  successor  would  then  be  at 
least  twenty  to  thirty  years  younger  than  his  eldest  son. 
When  we  look  in  more  detail  into  the  ages  which  are 
indicated,  we  find  greater  difficulties.  For  Tahutmes  I. 
to  have  a  son  commander  in  the  4th  year  of  his  reign 
would  necessitate  a  series  of  extreme  suppositions, — 
that  Amenhotep  I.  and  Tahutmes  I.  each  had  their 
successors  born  when  only  18  (leaving  no  room  for 
earlier  daughters  or  children  who  died),  and  that 
Amenmes  was  commander-in-chief  at  18.  Nor  can 
these  reigns  be  much  lengthened,  even  if  we  threw 
over  all  Manetho's  statements  of  reigns,  as  we  are  tied 
by  the  old  ages  of  Aahmes  the  admiral,  over  90  when 
his  tomb  was  inscribed  under  Tahutmes  II.,  and 
Pen'nekheb,  over  77  at  the  carving  of  his  tomb  under 
Tahutmes  III.  As  Hatshepsut  was  the 
eldest  daughter,  it  would  imply  that  she 
was  about  eighteen  or  twenty  years 
older  than  her  husband  Tahutmes  II., 
and  was  not  married,  therefore,  till  she 
was  about  35  or  more.  All  of  this  is 
unlikely.  And  all  the  difficulty  is  avoided  FIG.  23.— Scarab 
if  Amenmes  was  commander  of  the  ]£p/c£iLmcs' 
troops  of  his  father  Amenhotep,  while 
dating  his  monument  after  his  father's  death  in  his 
brother's  reign. 

To  render  the  relative  ages  clearer,  we  will  here 
arrange  the  succession  according  to  the  indications 
that  we  have,  resuming  it  from  the  table  given  before 
on  p.  3,  and  premising,  as  before,  that  the  use  of  this 
method  is  to  show  if  any  incongruity  arises  among  the 
data,  and  not  to  assert  the  exactitude  of  every  detail, 
since  many  points  depend  on  the  more  or  less  vague 
elements  of  age. 


54 


AMENHOTEP  I  [DYN.  xvm.a. 


g 

* 


&•     °. 

•S-3  *•" 

J3    £    OJ  ,J 


en  a; 
S  Q-rt 


utmes 
eeds 


a    " 

^        r)- 10  r>. 
O        N  M  w 


£  c/>  rt  rt  4>    .  rt 

"1*8  2!-  .  e 


O   t-»QQ    O    O    O 
«  HH  N  ri  co 

45 

Hill 


*-*  <f>&    •*-> 

s  s^    s 

e  S  3   «    ~ 

S  -fl  3  7> 

I  ^^^-ti^ 

H 

O  O    N    CO  Th  M 


*£.•* 

^l-i-3 

II 

<J  E<qH  « 

DON  iO»^ 


jp  iOlO»/>i/5iOiO"5VO 


B.C.  I562-i54i.]  ROYAL  FAMILY  55 

The  data  of  this  arrangement,  outside  of  the 
chronology  and  lengths  of  reigns,  as  already  stated, 
are  as  follows  :  — 

Amenhotep  I.  presumably  married  Aah'hotep  when 
about  20,  and  Tahutmes  I.,  son  of  queen  Sen'senb,  is 
not  likely  to  have  been  much  younger  than  his  wife 
Aahmes,  daughter  of  Aah'hotep. 

Tahutmes  I.  presumably  married  Aahmes  in  1544, 
at  about  20.  Neferkhebt  was  the  elder  daughter 
apparently,  and  Hatshepsut  was  probably  therefore 
born  about  1 540  or  later. 

Tahutmes  II.  died  at  about  30  in  1503,  and  was 
therefore  born  about  1533,  or  seven  years  after  Hat- 
shepsut, and  married,  say  at  17.  Hatshepsut,  therefore, 
would  not  have  married  before  24  ;  Neferu'ra  was  her 
elder  daughter,  as  she  is  called  the  "  mistress  of  both 
lands,"  or  heiress  ;  and  she  died  at  the  beginning  of 
the  reign  of  Tahutmes  III.,  as  Pen'nekheb  in  extreme 
old  age  in  that  reign  had  brought  up  the  deceased 
Neferu'ra.  He  was  born  about  1580  (by  his  services), 
and  would  therefore  be  66  at  the  death  of  Neferu'ra. 
Merytra  would  therefore  be  born  about  1512,  after  her 
sister,  as  Neferu'ra  was  the  elder.  Nefenrra  was  not 
married,  and  therefore  died  before  the  adolescence  of 
Tahutmes  III.  (L.D.  iii.  20  c). 

Tahutmes  III.  was  probably  the  son  of  Tahutmes  II., 
as  we  shall  see  farther  on.  It  seems  most  likely  that 
he  was  born  about  the  same  time  as  his  wife  Merytra ; 
and  he  is  therefore  entered  here  at  the  same  date. 

Amenhotep  II.  was  son  of  Tahutmes  III.,  as 
recorded  on  the  latter's  bandages  (Ms.  M.  548).  He 
was  also  son  of  Merytra,  as  she  was  royal  mother,  and 
accompanies  him  on  the  monuments.  From  the  fact 
that  no  wife  of  his  is  shown  on  monuments  (which  are 
all  of  the  earlier  years  of  his  reign),  whereas  his  mother 
appears,  it  seems  plain  that  he  came  to  the  throne 
quite  young.  He  must  then  have  been  born  when  his 
father  and  mother  were  advanced  in  life.  If  we  place 
his  birth  at  about  1469,  and  suppose  that  he  succeeded 
at  20  years  old,  we  cannot  be  far  out. 


AMENHOTEP  I  [DYN.  xvm.  a. 

We  now  reach  a  very  tight  place  in  the  chronology. 
That  Tahutmes  IIL,  Amenhotep  II.,  Tahutmes  IV., 
and  Amenhotep  III.  succeeded  as  four  generations, 
father  and  son,  cannot  be  well  doubted.  The  first 
link  is  fixed  by  the  mummy  bandages  (Ms.  M.  548) ; 
the  other  three  by  the  tomb  of  Horenvheb,  where  they 
are  definitely  stated  to  be  each  sons  of  the  previous 
one  (M.A.F.  v.  434,  pi.  v.).  Yet  Amenhotep  II.  was 
unmarried  on  his  accession  ;  and  his  marriage,  the 
birth  of  Tahutmes  IV.,  his  growth  and  marriage,  the 
birth  of  Amenhotep  III.,  and  his  growth  up  to  ac- 
cession, all  have  to  come  in  the  two  reigns  of  25  years 
10  months  +  9  years  8  months,  or  35^  years  in  all. 
That  Amenhotep  III.  was  no  infant  when  he  succeeded, 
is  proved  by  his  slaying  102  lions  between  the  ist 
and  roth  year  of  his  reign  ;  hence  we  cannot  place  his 
age  at  accession  below  about  15,  even  supposing  that 
he  began  lion-hunting  so  early.  This  takes  15  off  35^, 
leaving  19  years ;  2  must  be  deducted  to  the  birth  of 
Tahutmes  IV.  after  the  unmarried  accession  of  Amen- 
hotep II.  ;  and  thus  Amenhotep  III.  must  have  been 
born  when  Tahutmes  IV.  was  but  17. 

It  is  quite  clear,  therefore,  that  it  is  wholly  impossible 
to  shorten  these  reigns  below  the  figures  of  Manetho, 
as  has  been  proposed  owing  to  the  absence  of  monu- 
ments ;  and  the  principal  amount,  26  years,  is  lately 
verified  by  a  date  on  a  wine  jar.  In  fact,  a  few 
years  more  would  render  this  history  more  credible. 
Still  it  is  not  impossible,  and  unless  some  new  details 
appear,  we  must  accept  this,  and  observe  that  it 
cannot  be  modified  scarcely  one  year  either  way. 
The  only  points  that  could  give  way  to  release  the 
close  fit  would  be — (i)  the  non-marriage  of  Amen- 
hotep II.  on  his  accession  ;  though,  even  if  he  had  then 
been  married,  his  mother's  prominence,  to  the  ex- 
clusion of  a  supposed  wife,  would  imply  his  being  yet 
immature  ;  (2)  the  lengths  of  reigns  in  Manetho,  which 
are,  however,  on  the  contrary,  too  long  already  to 
seem  likely ;  or  (3)  the  proof  that  Tahutmes  IV.  was 
son  of  Amenhotep  II.,  for  were  they  brothers,  the  whole 


B.C.  is**-'!*'.)  ROYAL  FAMILY  57 

would  harmonise  well,  but  yet  Horemheb  can  hardly 
have  made  an  error  in  the  history  of  the  period  of  his 
own  lifetime. 

What  renders  these  early  accessions,  of  Amenhotep 
II.  at  20,  and  Tahutmes  IV.  at  24,  the  more  likely,  is 
that  both  are  represented  as  children  in  the  tombs  of 
their  nurse  and  tutor  respectively.  Had  they  been 
elderly  on  their  accessions,  their  childhood  would  have 
been  hardly  so  much  thought  of  and  commemorated. 


To  return,  then,  to  the  family  of  Amenhotep  I.,  we 
may  assign  to  queen  Aah'hotep  the  parentage  of  the 
future  queen  Aah'mes,  and  probably  also  of  the  other 
queen  Mut'nefert  and  the  princes  Amen'mes  and 
Uaz*mes.  Of  the  latter,  a  temple  was  erected  at 
Thebes,  with  a  stele  showing  him  stand- 
ing behind  his  brother  Tahutmes  L, 
adored  by  Tahutmes  III.;  other  mention 
of  him  is  also  found  in  the  same  building 
(M.E.  5,  n),  which  had  been,  however, 
restored  by  Amenhotep  III.,  a  ring  of  FIG.  24.—  Scarab 
whom  was  found  under  the  threshold.  ofNebta.  F.P. 
Nebt'ta  was  another  daughter  of  Aalr  Coll< 
hotep,  as  stated  by  Lepsius  (L.K.  328).  A  scarab  of 
hers  is  known. 

From  an  ostrakon,  and  from  the  temple  at  Deir  el 
Bahri,  we  know  that  the  mother  of  Tahutmes  L  was 
named  Sen'senb.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the 
Tahutmes  line  was  of  a  new  family,  by  both  father 
and  mother ;  but  we  have  seen  how  the  old  family 
reverenced  Tahuti  along  with  Aah  in  the  time  of  Kames, 
so  that  the  name  may  well  appear  in  the  Aahmes  line. 
And  a  strong  evidence  of  his  descent  is  given  by  his 
wife  Aahmes;  she  was  called  "lady  of  both  lands," 
showing  her  royal  heritage,  and  she  was  also  "  royal 
sister,"  showing  her  husband's  relation  to  her  and  to 
the  family.  Above  all,  he  calls  himself  "  king's  son  of 
a  king's  son,"  claiming  descent  from  Amenhotep  and 
Aahmes  (L.D.  iii.  18). 


AMENHOTEP  I 


[DYN.  xvm.  a.] 


FIG.  25. — Sensenb,  mother  of  Tahutmes  I.    Copy 
by  Mr.  Carter,    Deir  el  Bahri. 


tB.C.  1541-1516.] 


TAHUTI'MES  I 


59 


r o  «*  *N 

XVIII.  3.    AA 'KEEPER  "KA'RA  1  W  j J     1 


Mummy 
Coffin 


Deir  cl  Bahri 


1516 

B.C. 


(Ms.  M.  581). 
(Ms.  M.  545). 


Nubt 

Temple 

Deir  el  Bahri 

Temple  begun 

(C.M,  192,  5). 

Deir  el  Medineh 

Bricks 

(L.D.  iii.  yf). 

Medinet  Habu 

Offering-  to  Amen 

(C.M.  195,  2). 

n 

Door 

(L.D.  iii.  27;   i,  2). 

Karnak 

Pylons  iv.  v.  viii. 

(M.K.  ii.). 

Scene  and  inscription 

(L.D.  iii.  18). 

Osiride  figures 

(M.K.  text  28). 

Pillars 

(M.K.  2). 

Obelisk 

(L.D.  iii.  6). 

Portions  of  statues 

(W.G.  328). 

Aswan 

Canal  inscription 

(Rec.  xiii.  202). 

Ibrim 

Shrine 

(C.L.  114). 

Senineh 
Kummeh 

List  of  gifts 
Temple 

(L.D.  Hi.  47  c). 
(L.D.  iii.  59  a). 

Tangur  (21°  15'  N.) 

Tablet 

(S.B.A.  vii.  121). 

Tombos  (19°  40'  N.) 

Steles 

(L.D.  iii.  5). 

Arqo  (19°  27') 

Stele 

(W.T.  472). 

Statue  seated,  diorite,  T.  Mus.  (L.T.  1374). 

(portrait  in  L.D.  iii.  292, 
Vase,  glazed  steatite     B.  Mus.  4762. 
,,      glazed  pottery     P.  Mus.  502. 
Menat  blue  glaze  (Wiedemann  Coll.). 

Scarabs. 


Queens — AAHMES — 

Deir  el  Bahri 
Ivory  wand 
Scarabs 

MUT'NEFERT — 

Statue  of  Tahutmes  II.,  Karnak       (M.K.  38  b,  4). 
Statue,  Qurneh  G.  Mus.        (V.G.  231). 


Temple. 
T.  Mus. 
(B.  Mus.,  P.  Mus.). 


60  AA-KHEPER-KA-RA  [DYN.  xvm.  3- 

Children  ofAahmes — 

Khebt'neferu         Deir  el  Bahri  (L.D.  iii.  8  b). 

Hatshepsut  ,,  ,, 

of  Mut'nefert — 

Tahutmes  II.        Statue  (above). 

That  Tahutmes  was  not  co-regent  with  Amenhotep 
for  any  length  of  time,  is  seen  from  the  dating  of  a 
record  of  a  campaign  in  his  second  year.  Moreover, 
his  coronation  edict  has  been  happily  preserved,  and 
does  not  suggest  any  co-regency.  It  appears  that 
copies  of  the  royal  edicts  were  officially  sent  out,  and 
the  copy  of  this  despatch  for  Elephantine  was  for- 
tunately recovered  there  lately  (A.Z.  xxix.  117).  It 
reads  thus :  — 

"  A  letter  of  the  king  to  cause  thee  to  know  that 
my  majesty  is  risen  as  king  on  the  throne  of  Horus, 
without  equal  for  ever.  My  titles  are  to  be  made  as 
Horus  Ka  nekht^  meryMaat ;  Samuti  Kha'em'nesert'aa* 
pehti ;  Hor'nub,  Nefer  renptit,  sankh  abu ;  suten  biti 
Acrkheper'ka'ra;  sa  ra  Tahuti'mes ;  ankh  zet  er  neheh. 
Cause  the  offerings  of  the  gods  of  Abu  in  the  south  to 
be  made  by  the  will  of  the  prince  (l.h.w.)  the  king  of 
Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  Aa'kheper'ka'ra. 

"  Cause  thou  that  the  oath  be  administered  in  the 
name  of  my  majesty  (l.h.w.),  born  of  the  royal  mother 
Sen'senb.  This  is  written  that  thou  mayest  know  it, 
and  that  the  royal  house  is  safe  and  strong. 

"  The  first  year,  Phamenoth,  day  21.  Day  of  corona- 
tion. " 

This  date,  and  the  coronation  of  Tahutmes  III.  on 
the  4th  of  Pakhons,  give  us  some  data  to  check  the 
months  of  the  reigns  according  to  Manetho.  The 
lengths  of  reign  he  states  are  Tahutmes  I.,  25  y.  4  m.  ; 
Tahutmes  II.,  13  y.  ;  Hatshepsut,  21  y.  9  m.  Hence, 
placing  in  order  the  months  in  question  thus,  we 
have — 

Mekhir,  before  2ist  Hatshepsut  dies 


Phamenoth  2ist,  Tahutmes  I.  begins 


D.C.  ISO-is^.]  TAHUTI-MES  I  61 

Pharmuthi,  wars  of  Tahutmes  III.  beg-in 

Pakhons  4th,  Tahutmes  II.  dies 

4th,  Tahutmes  III.  begins 
about  4th,  Tahutmes  II.  begins 


Pauni, 

Epiphi,  about  2ist  Tahutmes  I.  dies. 


Thus  we  see  that  Tahutmes  II.  dated  his  reign  a  few 
weeks  before  the  death  of  Tahutmes  I.  ;  probably  on 
being"  associated  at  the  occasion  of  his  early  marriage 
with  Hatshepsut,  who  was  already  named  successor  to 
Tahutmes  I.,  between  the  months  of  Mekhir  and 
Mesori  (see  obelisk  inscriptions). 

The  interval  between  Hatshepsut's  death  and  the 
beginning  of  the  active  wars  of  Tahutmes  III.  was 
very  short.  It  is  indicated  thus:  Tahutmes  began 
his  campaign  in  his  22nd  year  in  Pharmuthi,  and  passes 
in  the  history  immediately  to  Pakhons  in  his  23rd  year  ; 
hence  he  began  after  21  years  n  months  of  regnal 
inactivity.  Now  Hatshepsut  reigned  21  years  9 
months  according  to  Manetho,  from  Tahutmes  Ilnd's 
death,  leaving  only  two  months  for  Tahutmes  III.  to 
have  organised  his  campaign,  so  soon  as  he  was  master. 
The  coronation  of  Hatshepsut  on  Thoth  ist  (Rec. 
xviii.  102)  would  show  that  little  over  a  month  elapsed 
between  her  father's  death  on  Epiphi  2ist,  and  the 
ceremony  of  her  crowning,  probably  postponed  a  little 
to  bring  it  on  the  New  Year's  feast.  We  now  see 
how  these  years  and  months  of  reigns  show  no  dis- 
crepancies with  the  official  dates  that  are  preserved  ; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  throw  additional  light  upon  the 
facts. 

Of  the  wars  of  Tahutmes  I.  we  know  buj;  little.  The 
invaluable  biographies  of  Aahmes  and  Pen'nekheb  at 
El  Kab  are  again  our  best  resource.  Aahmes  relates— 

"  It  was  my  lot "  (at  about  65  years  old)  "  to  convey 


62  AA'KHEPER-KA'RA  [DYN.  xvm.  3- 

king  Aa*kheper*ka*ra  (makheru)  on  his  journey  up  to 
Khent'henrnefer  for  the  purpose  of  chastising  the 
disturbance  among  the  tribes,  and  of  exterminating  the 
raiders  from  the  hills.  I  displayed  valour  upon  his 
[ships  ?]  on  the  bad  (?)  water  in  the  [rescuing  ?]  of  the 
ships  at  the  overturning  "  (or  "  at  Ta  Penayt "),  "  and  I 
was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  a  captain-general  of  the 
marines.  His  majesty  "  [one  line  unengraved  ?J  "  His 
majesty  became  furious  at  it  like  a  panther,  and  he 
shot  his  first  arrow  which  stuck  in  the  breast  of  that 
wretch  ;  and  these  [fled  ?]  fainting  before  his  asp  :  "  (the 
royal  emblem  on  the  cap).  "  Then  was  made  of  them  in 
an  instant  .  .  .  Their  people  were  carried  off  as  living 
captives.  His  majesty  returned  down  the  river,  all 
regions  being  within  his  grasp.  That  vile  Anu  of 
Khent  was  kept  with  his  head  down  in  evil  plight  when 
his  majesty  landed  at  Thebes. 

"  After  this  he  went  to  the  Ruten  for  the  purpose  of 
taking  satisfaction  upon  the  countries.  His  majesty 
arrived  at  Naharina  (Upper  Mesopotamia)  ;  he  found 
that  enemy  who  had  plotted  conspiracy.  His  majesty 
made  a  great  slaughter  of  them  ;  an  immense  number 
of  live  captives  were  carried  off  by  his  majesty  from  his 
victories. 

"  Behold,  I  was  at  the  head  of  our  soldiers,  and  his 
majesty  saw  my  valour  as  I  seized  upon  a  chariot,  its 
horses,  and  those  who  were  on  it  as  living  captives  ;  I 
took  them  to  his  majesty,  and  I  was  once  more 
presented  with  the  gold.  I  have  grown  up  and  have 
reached  old  age"  (over  90  then),  "my  honours  are 
like  .  .  .  and  I  shall  rest  in  my  tomb  which  I  myself 
have  made"  (L.D.  iii.  12). 

Pen'nekheb  states:  "I  followed  the  king  of  Upper 
and  Lower  Egypt,  Aa'kheper-ka'ra  (makheru) :  I  took 
for  him  in  Kush  two  prisoners  alive,  beside  the 
prisoners  brought  by  me  from  Kush,  I  do  not  reckon 
them"  (L.A.^xiv.  A.B.).  Again  he  mentions  the  Kush 
campaign  in  another  passage  (L.D.  iii.  43  a).  And  he 
also  went  in  the  Syrian  war:  "Again  I  acted  for  the 
king  Aa'kheperka'ra,  makheru :  I  took  for  him  in  the 


B.C.  1541-1516.] 


TAHUTI-MES  I 


land  of  Naharaina  21  hands,  a  horse  and  a  chariot" 
(L.A.  xiv.). 

Of  the  Nubian  war  there  are  several  memorials  far 
up  the  Nile  at  Tombos.  But  the  long-  inscription  there, 
dated  in  his  first  year,  does  not  contain  any  information, 
beyond  a  high-flown  account  of  all  countries  being 
subject  to  the  king. 


FIG.  26.— Head  of  Tahutmes  I.     Deir  el  Bahri. 
(From  Egypt  Exploration  Fund.) 

Of  the  Syrian  war  we  learn  further  in  the  inscription 
of  Tahutmes  III.,  when  he  states  that  "he  placed 
another  where  was  the  tablet  of  his  father  the  king  of 
Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  Aa'kheperka-ra" ;  and 
further,  "His  majesty  came  to  the  city  of  Niy  on  his 
return.  Then  his  majesty  set  up  his  tablet  fa  Naharaina 
to  enlarge  the  frontiers  of  Kemi  "  (L.A.  xii.).  This 
points  to  the  limits  of  the  conquests  of  Tahutmes  I. 


64 


AA'KHEPER-KA'RA 


[DYN.  XVIH.  3. 


having  been  about  the  district  of  Niy,  which  seems 
to  have  been  on  the  Euphrates  in  the  region  of 
Aleppo. 

It  appears,  then,  that  Tahutmes  I.  must  have  had  the 
way  paved  for  him  by  some  unrecorded  conquests  of 
Amenhotep  ;  as  we  see  that  early  in  his  reign  he  claims 
general  sovereignty,  and  was  soon  able  to  push  his 
frontier  as  far  forward  as  it  was  carried  by  the  greatest 
of  his  successors,  Tahutmes  III.  He  overran  the 
Ruten,  or  the  hill  country  of  Palestine,  the  land  of 
Naharaina,  or  northern  Syria,  and  established  his 
frontier  boundary  on  the  Euphrates  at  the  place  where 
his  son  also  set  up  his  tablet.  Unfortunately  we  have 
no  detailed  record  of  the  cities  or  tribes  subdued  by 
him,  such  as  the  later  kings  engraved,  and  cannot, 
therefore,  gain  a  more  exact  geographical  account. 


The  coffin  of  this  king  was  found  in  the  great  deposit 
of  Deir  el  Bahri.  It  was  gilded  and  inlaid,  but  had 
been  stripped  in  ancient  times.  It  had  been  usurped 

by  Pairtezem  I.  ;  but 
through  all  the  changes 
the  name  of  the  first 
conqueror  of  Asia  can 
still  be  read  (Ms.  M. 

545>  57o)- 

The  mummy,  how- 
ever, of  Painezem  was 
found  elsewhere,  in  the 
coffin  of  Aah'hotep  II.  ; 
and  a  nameless  mummy 
was  found  in  the  coffin 
of  Tahutmes.  This  body 
Maspero  inclines  to  be- 
lieve to  be  that  of 
FIG.  27.-Mummy  of  Tahutmea  I.  Tahutmes,  replaced 

there     by  -  pious     care 

when  Painezem's  usurpation  was  reversed.    The  resem- 
blance between   this  head   and  that  of  Tahutmes   II. 


B.C.  1541-1516.)  TAHUTI-MES  I  65 

(Ms.  M.  vii.  viii.)  is  adduced  ;  but  a  stronger  likeness 
of  expression  and  character  exists  between  the  portrait 
of  Tahutmes  I.  at  Deir  el  Bahri  temple  and  the 
mummy,  particularly  in  front  view. 

The  body  shows  unusual  vigour  and  a  fine  form  ;  it 
is  very  well  preserved,  but  unhappily  all  the  wrappings 
had  been  destroyed,  and  so  no  evidence  of  the  name 
remained  (Ms.  M.  581).  The  locality  and  the  por- 
traiture is  all  that  identifies  it. 

In  the  Delta  and  Middle  Egypt  no  work  of 
Tahutmes  I.  has  yet  been  found.  At  Nubt,  near 
Negadeh,  he  rebuilt  the  temple  of  Set,  of  which  door- 
jambs  and  a  lintel  of  fine  work  were  found  lately. 

At  Deir  el  Bahri  the  temple  may  have  been  designed 
under  Tahutmes  I.,  but  the  sculptures  representing  him 
appear  to  be  all  due  to  his  great  daughter. 

At  Deir  el  Medineh  bricks  of  his  are  found  (L.D. 
iii.  yf.)  ;  but  at  Medinet  Habu  he  founded  one  of  the 
most  important  temples  of  his  family  ;  and  the  many 
erasures  and  alterations  of  names  are  a  study  in  family 
antipathies.  His  cartouches  have  been  altered  from 
Ra*aa*kheper*ka  to  Ra'ma'ka  by  Hatshepsut,  and 
again  altered  back  again  by  Tahutmes  III.  (L.D.  iii. 
27,  i,  2).  The  decoration  appears  to  have  gone  on 
but  slowly,  and  to  have  reflected  the  many  changes  of 
the  time.  The  lintels  of  some  doors  were  engraved  by 
Tahutmes  I.,  while  their  jambs  were  by  the  third  ; 
other  lintels  are  by  the  second,  and  their  jambs  by 
Hatshepsut  (L.D.  iii.  27,  i,  2).  The  first  is  seen 
offering  to  Amen  ;  the  second  offering  to  Min  ;  the 
third  on  his  throne,  with  his  wife  Merytra  behind  him  ; 
or,  again,  hoeing  up  a  foundation,  showing  that  he 
founded  some  parts  of  this  temple  (C.M.  195). 

In  the  chapel  of  Uaz'mes  (M.E.  v.),  a  stele  erected  by 
a  tutor  of  that  prince,  figures  Tahutmes  I.  and  his 
little  deceased  brother  Uazmes,  adored  by  Tahutmes 
III.  (M.E.  ii.),  nearly  a  year  before  Hatshepsut's  death. 
There  is  also  a  tablet  of  a  tutor  of  the  royal  children  of 
Tahutmes  I.,  probably  the  same  person  (M.E.  vi.). 

At    Karnak   a   pylon   (IV.    Baedeker)   fronting    the 

n— S 


66  AA-KHEPER'KA'RA  IDVK.  xvm.  3. 

Amen  temple  was  built  by  this  king,  and  along  the 
inner  face  a  row  of  Osiride  statues  of  himself  were 
placed.  Another  pylon  (IX.  Baedeker)  was  also  built 
by  him,  although  the  decoration  was  finished  by  his 
sons  and  Amenhotep  II.  It  is  on  the  north  face  of  this 
that  an  important  inscription  occurs,  declaring  the 
co-regency  of  Hatshepsut.  Tahutmes  declares  that  he 
has  led  the  most  distant  people,  that  he  has  scattered 
all  trouble  in  Egypt,  and  put  an  end  to  crime  and 
destroyed  impiety  ;  that  he  has  brought  order  in  place 
of  the  rebellions  which  appeared  in  Lower  Egypt. 
Then  he  prays  to  Amen  to  give  the  lower  and  upper 
country  to  his  daughter  the  king  Ma'ka'ra,  as  it  has 
been  given  to  him  (Mel.  i.  46).  Subsequently  Tahut- 
mes III.  has  altered  Ma'ka'ra  to  Aa'kheperka'ra. 
This  document  is  almost  more  than  an  association  of 
Hatshepsut  with  the  king  ;  it  prays  Amen  to  give  the 
sovereignty  to  the  daughter  as  it  had  been  given  to  the 
father,  making  almost  an  abdication.  This  suggests 
that  it  must  have  been  at  the  end  of  the  life  of  the  king, 
when  he  felt  no  longer  able  to  rule.  The  reason 
of  placing  the  daughter  in  power  rather  than  the  son, 
is  seen  in  the  ages.  Hatshepsut  was  probably  24, 
and  doubtless  showed  already  her  vast  abilities ; 
while  Tahutmes  II.  was  probably  not  more  than  17, 
and  was  of  no  great  strength.  He  was  not  married *io 
his  sister  at  the  time  of  this  inscription.  So  it  appears 
that  on  failing  health  the  king  placed  the  power  in  the 
hands  of  his  eldest  child,  who  had  the  sole  right  to  it 
by  the  female  inheritance  ;  and  then,  just  a  few  weeks 
before  his  death,  married  Tahutmes  II.  to  her,  perhaps 
to  ensure  his  receiving  some  respect  for  his  position  if 
not  for  his  character. 

Two  pillars  of  Tahutmes  I.  were  re-used  later  on 
(between  pylons  IV.  and  V.  Baed.) ;  but  Mariette 
attributes  to  this  king  all  the  pillars  between  pylons  IV. 
and  V.,  and  those  east  of  pylon  V.  as  well. 

This  king  also  placed  one  of  the  two  obelisks  in 
front  of  his  pylon ;  but  it  has  been  disfigured  by 
Ramesside  inscriptions  crowded  down  the  blank  margins 


TAHUTI-MES  I 


67 


of  the  inscriptions  (L.D.  iii.  6).  A  base  for  a  statue 
remains  in  front  of  this  ;  and  fragments  of  two  statues 
are  seen  in  the  place  (W.  G. 
328).  The  fellow  obelisk  is  due 
to  Tahutmes  III.  (M.K.  ii.). 

A  very  enigmatical  block  was 
found  here,  of  which  no  explana- 
tion is  yet  possible.  It  has  a 
large  cartouche  horizontal ; 
within  that  a  small  cartouche 
vertical  of  Tahutmes  I.  ;  on 
one  side  of  that  "year  8,"  and 
on  a  raised  oval  Ra'aa'kheper 
and  an  inexplicable  curl ;  on 
the  other  side  a  like  oval,  with 
Ra  %aa  'khepertefka  'khepermery, 
and  "year  6"  (G.  Mus.). 

At  Aswan  an  interesting 
memorial  remains  of  the  cam- 
paign of  this  king,  and  his 
-passage  up  the  old  canal  cut  by 
Usertesen  III.  for  his  Nubian 
wars  (see  i.  p.  179).  The 
viceroy  of  the  south  inscribed 
the  rock  thus,  below  the  names  of  Tahutmes  I. :  "  Year 
3,  Pakhons  aoth,  his  majesty  passed  this  canal  in  force 
and  power  in  his  campaign  to  crush  Ethiopia  the  vile. 
Prince  Turo "  (Rec.  xiii.  202).  Another  inscription 
after  the  titles  states  :  "  His  majesty  came  to  Kush  to 
crush  the  vile"  (M.I.  i.  41,  185).  And  a  third  (all 
dated  on  the  same  day),  after  the  titles,  states:  "His 
majesty  commanded  to  clear  this  canal,  after  he  had 
found  it  filled  with  stones,  so  that  no  boat  could  pass 
up  it.  He  passed  up  it,  his  heart  rejoicing'1  (M.I.  i. 

85,  13)- 

At  Ibrim  is  a  rock  shrine  with  figures  of  the  king 
seated  between  Tahuti  and  Sati  (C.L.  114). 

The  frontier  fortresses  of  Semneh  and  Kummeh, 
which  were  so  important  under  the  Xllth  dynasty 
(see  pp.  179-181),  became  again  the  keys  of  the  south 


FIG.  28.— Part  of  obelisk  of 
Tahutmes  I.     Karnak. 


68  AA'KHEPER-KA'RA  [DYN.  xvm.  3. 

lands  under  the  XVIIIth.  Tahutmes  I.  began  the 
rebuilding  here,  and  a  list  of  gifts  to  Amen  bears  his 
name  at  Semneh  (L.D.  iii.  470)  ;  while  at  Kummeh  his 
sculptures  were  usurped  by  his  son  Tahutmes  II. 
(L.D.  iii.  59  a). 

Three  records  of  his  conquests  remain  in  Ethiopia: 
at  Tangur  (21°  15'  N.),  on  a  rock  60  feet  above  the 
Nile,  is  a  record  of  the  return  of  the  king  in  his  2nd 
year,  with  a  convoy  led  by  Aahmes,  scribe  of  the 
troops  (S.B.A.  vii.  121).  And,  farther  still,  at  Tombos 
(19°  40'  N.)  is  a  large  stele  of  the  2nd  year,  and  several 
smaller  ones,  referring  to  his  conquests  of  the  Nehasi 
and  of  Kush.  The  historical  details  of  these  we  have 
already  noticed.  Lastly,  at  Arqo  is  a  stele  known  as 
"  the  golden  stone  "  (W.T.  472). 

Beside  the  royal  monuments  there  are  several  private 
inscriptions  of  interest. 

A  man  named  Amenhotep  bears  the  title,  "  Chief 
king's  son  of  Aa'kheper'ka'ra  "  ;  but  as  he  is  shown 
offering  to  his  father  Tehuti'sena,  and  mother 
Ta'hured,  and  to  his  brother  Neferhotep,  it  appears 
that  this  king's-  son  must  be  purely  titular,  and  not 
related  to  the  king.  The  "  king's  son  of  Kush/'  as  the 
title  of  the  viceroy  of  Ethiopia,  shows  that  there  were 
titular  "  king's  sons  "  ;  and  this  Amenhotep  would 
therefore  be  the  chief  of  such  a  class  (L.D.  iii.  9). 

Of  the  officials  of  this  reign  there  are  recorded — 

Penaati  Director  of  works  (P.S.  476). 

Pu  Great  builder  (A.Z.  xix.  67). 

Tehuti  Director  of  hewers  (E.L.  35). 

Aa'kheper'ka       Keeper  of  equipment  (M.A.F.  viii.  275,  64), 

Userhat  Keeper  of  the  palace  (Rec.  iv.  125  ;  L.T.  1456). 

Sebekhotep          Guardian  of  the  palace  (S.  Cat.  F.  1566). 

Pet'en'ra  Keeper  of  the  cattle  (M.A.F.  viii.  289,  171). 

x  Tutor  of  the  princes  (M.E.  vi.). 

(The  keeper  of  equipment,  za'khau,  is  analogous  to  the  phrase 
"ship's  husband.") 

Of  priests  and  adorers  there  are — 

Aa'kheperka'ra'senb,  canopic  jars,  (W.G.  327). 

P.  Mus. 
Amenemhat  (under  Tahut,  III.)  (L.D.  iii.  29 c). 


B.C.  1541-1516.] 


TAHUTI'MES  I 


69 


Neta  Cone 

Uaz'shemsu     T,  Mus. 
Sebek'nekht     Tomb 
Sem'nefer         T.  Mus. 
x  (Siisileh)        Tomb 
Peirnekheb,  hon  ka  (see  p.  477 
lufi,  praising"  Aahmes 


(M.A.F.  viii.  297,  261). 
(Rec.  ii.  172  ;  L.T.  1457). 
(C.N.  512). 

Rec.  iii.  113). 

L.D.  iii.  28,  4a-d). 

L.D.  iii.  43  H 

Rec.  ix.  93). 


The  king  is  also  mentioned  in  some  tombs  at  Thebes, 
Nos.  9  (C.N.  501)  and  30  of  Amenhotep  (C.N.  519) ; 
and  at  Siisileh,  in  the  tomb  of  Menkh  (L.D.  iii.  8c). 

Of  portable  objects  there  is  a  seated  statue  in  diorite, 
about  life  size,  in  Turin  (L.T.  1374)  J  a^so  *wo  ^ra8f" 
ments  of  statues  lying"  still  at  Karnak,  in  the  hall 
behind  pylon  V.  A  seated  colossus  remains  in  front  of 
pylon  VIII.  at  the  west  end,  which  was  erected  by 
Tahutmes  III.  in  his  42nd  year  in  honour  of  his  father 
(Mel.  i.  46).  Two  vases  and  a  menat  are  noted  above 
in  the  list.  Of  scarabs  there  are  many,  and  some 
peculiar  types  ;  one  has  the  ka  name  down  the  middle, 
between  the  repeated  throne  name  (P.  Mus.)  ;  another 
has  a  sphinx  with  the  name,  and  on  the  back  instead  of 
a  beetle  a  kneeling"  figure 
(P.P.  Coll.);  another  has  the 
joint  cartouches  of  Tahutmes 
I.  and  Hatshepsut,  she  being 
named  sa  ra  (P.  Mus.) ;  this 
was  probably  made  during 
the  brief  co-regency  at  the 
end  of  his  reign.  Of  both 
this  king  and  Hatshepsut 
there  are  unusual  scarabs 

with  the  kor  nub  name   and   the   uraeus  and  vulture 
names. 

Of  Queen  AAHMES  a  few  objects  remain.  Her 
portraits  appear  at  the  temple  of  Deir  el  Bahri ;  an 
ivory  wand  in  the  form  of  an  arm  bears  her  cartouche 
(T.  Mus.) ;  and  two  scarabs  of  her  are  known  (P.  Mus., 
B.  Mus.). 

Sat *amen,  this  king's  supposed  sister  and  wife,  has 
been  regarded  as  of  far  more  importance  than  is  war- 


Fig-.  29. — Scarabs  of  Tahutmes  I. 
Louvre. 


TAHUTI-MES  I 


[DVK.  xviii.  3. 


ranted,  owing-  to  the  mistake  of  attributing  a  reign  in 
Manetho  to  her  instead -of  to  Hatshepsut  (C.B.  i.  27). 


FIG.  30.— Head/of  Queen  Aahmes, 
Deir  el  Bahr/1-  (From  Egypt 
Exploration  iFund. ) 


FIG.  31. — Queen  Aahmes.    From  a 
photograph  by  Mr.  H.  Carter. 


In  fact,  ^o  trace  of  this  supposed  queen  is  to  be  found, 
except  a  green  glazed  steatite  toilet-box  in  the  Louvre 


FIG.  32. — Ivory  wand  of  Aahmes.     Turin. 

(P.  Sc.  852) ;  there  is  no  evidence  to  whjat  reign  this 
belongs,  and  there  seems  no  reason  why  it  should  not 
have  been  part  of  the  outfit  of  the  infant  heiress  of 


FAMILY 


Aahmes  and  Nefertari,  thus  setting  aside  altogether  a 
later  and  mythical  Sat 'amen. 

Of  queen  MUT'NEFERT  a  fine  statue  in  sandstone  was 
found  in  the  chapel  of  Uaz-mes  (V.G.  231  ;  M.E.  i.). 
It  bears  the  inscription  on  the  throne,  "  The  good  god, 
lord  of  both  lands,  Aa*kheper*en'ra  (Tahutmes  II.), 
made  by  him  his  monuments  of  his  mother,  royal  wife, 
royal  mother,  Mufnefert,  makheru"  This  queen  was 


FIG.  33.     Queen  Mufnefert. 
Ghizeh. 


Fie.  34.— Princess  Khebf 
neferu.     Deir  el  Bahri. 


a  daughter  of  Amenhotep,  as  she  appears  on  the 
statue  of  Tahutmes  II.  as  the  "  royal  daughter,  royal 
wife,"  at  Karnak  (M.K.  38 b,  4).  The  royal  children 
were  the  heiress  Khebf  neferu  (L.D.  iii.  8  b),  who  died 
early,  as  she  was  not  married  ;  and  the  great  queen 
Hatshepsut,  who  was  married  to  her  half-brother 
Tahutmes  II.,  the  son  of  Mufnefert. 


72  AA'KHEPER-EN-RA  CDVN.  xvm. 4. 

XVIII.  4.  AA-KHEPER'EN*RA(  jrj,  ^^   j        ^. 

1503 


Coffin  and  mummy,  Deir  el  Bahri  (Ms.  M.  545). 


Deir  el  Bahri,  temple,  parts  (L,D.  iii.  17  a,  20  a). 

(D.H.  ii.  21). 

Medinet  Habu,  temple,  partn  (C.M.  195,  4). 

Bricks  on  west  side  (Pr.  M.  23,  15). 

Karnak,  pylon  IX.  begun  (L.D.  iii.  14,  15,  16). 

2  statues  by  pylon  VIII.  (M.K.  38  b,  e). 

Chambers  X,  Y,  Z,  Z1  (C.N.  ii.  145-6). 

Esneh,  red  granite  pillars  (P.R.  ii.  3,  43). 

Aswan,  inscription  (L.D.  iii.  i6a). 

Semneh,  inscription  (L.D.  iii.  47  c). 

Kummeh,  alteration  of  Tahut.  I  (L.D.  iii.  59  a). 

Barkal  (W.T.  472). 

El  Ayun,  Oasis,  Stele  .  (A.Z.  1876,  120). 


Pakhen  offering  to  T.  II.,  stele,  T.  Mus.         (L.T.  1458). 
Penaati,  director  of  works,  Silsileh.  (P.S.  476). 


Isis  and  Horus.     Lee  Collection  (Cat.  No.  27). 

Scarabs  and  cowroid. 
Queens — HATSHEPSUT. 

ASET,  wrappings  of  Tahutmes  III.  (Ms.  M.  548). 
Children^oy  Hatshepsut} — Neferu'ra,  Assasif  (C.M.  cxcii.  3  ;  cxciv. 

i,   3;   head  best  in 
R.H.  ii.  8). 
M  cry  t  *  ra  H  at  shep- 

set 
(by  Asef)  Tahutmes  III.          (Ms.  M.  548). 

That  Tahutmes  II.  was  not  co-regent  for  any  length 
of  time  with  his  father,  is  shown  by  an  inscription  at 
Aswan  being  dated  in  his  first  year.  This  records  his 
expedition  to  Kush.  He  states  that  he  was  "  revered 
in  the  lands  of  the  Hanebu  (or  Mediterranean),  and 
that  the  Mentiirsetet  and  Anirkhent  (north  and  south) 
came  with  their  offerings.  His  south  boundary  was  to 


B.C.  1516-1503.]  TAHUTI-MES  II  73 

the  opening  of  the  level  land,  and  his  north  bound  to 
the  pehu  of  the  Setit  (the  lakes  of  Syria),  all  these  are 
serfs  of  his  majesty.  His  arms  were  not  repulsed  from 
the  land  of  the  Fenkhu.  .  .  .  Then  one  came  with 
good  news  to  his  majesty,  <  that  the  vile  Kush  has 
gone  into  rebellion  ...  to  injure  the  people  of  Egypt, 
and  to  raid  their  cattle,  even  beyond  the  gates  which 
thy  father  built  in  his  victory  to  beat  back  the  rebellious 
foreigners,  even  the  Anu'khent  of  Khent*hen*nefer, 
being  come  to  the  north  of  the  vile  Kush '  .  .  .  His 
majesty  raged  at  it  like  a  panther.  *  As  I  live,  as  Ra 
loves  me,  as  my  father  lord  of  the  gods  praises  me,  I 
will  not  leave  a  male  alive.'  He  sent  a  great  army  to 
the  land  of  Khent  in  his  good  and  victorious  time  to 
overthrow  the  rebellious ;  .  .  .  this  army  of  his  majesty 
overthrew  these  foreigners,  they  took  the  life  of  every 
male  according  to  all  that  his  majesty  commanded  ; 
excepting  that  one  of  those  children  of  the  prince  of 
Kush  was  brought  alive  as  a  live  prisoner  with  their 
household  to  his  majesty,  placed  under  the  feet  of  the 
good  god.  Behold,  his  majesty  was  seated  upon  the 
throne  when  were  brought  the  prisoners  which  the 
army  of  his  majesty  were  bringing.  This  nation  being 
made  as  bondmen  of  his  majesty,  as  in  old  time.  The 
people  rejoiced  and  gave  praise  to  the  lord  of  both 
lands,  exalting  the  good  god."  From  this  it  is  evident 
that  Tahutmes  II.  did  not  go  to  lead  the  campaign 
himself,  and  this  accords  with  his  youth,  being  only 
about  seventeen  at  this  time.  Another  war  is  men- 
tioned by  Aahmes  Pen'nekheb,  who  states:  "  I  followed 
the  king  Aa*kheper*en*ra,  makheru,  I  brought  away 
from  the  land  of  the  Shasu  (Bedawin)  very  many 
prisoners,  I  do  not  reckon  them.  .  .  .  the  king 
Aa'kheper'en*ra  gave  me  two  gold  bracelets,  six 
collars,  three  bracelets  of  lazuli,  and  a  silver  war  axe". 
(L.A.  xiv.  ;  R.P.  iv.  8). 

The  temple  at  Deir  el  Bahri,  which  is  mainly  occu- 
pied with  the  scenes  of  the  expedition  to  Punt,  must 
have  been  begun  to  be  sculptured  toward  the  end  of  his 
reign,  as  he  only  appears  on  some  parts  of  it,  and 


74 


AA  -KHEPER  -EN  -RA 


[DYN.  xvm.  4,, 


Tahutmes    III.    is   more    usually   found    there.      This 
agrees  with  the  expedition  having  been  made  late  in 


FIG.  35.— Mummy  of  Tahutmes  II.    Ghizeh.    Profile  and  front  view. 


.  1516-1503.] 


TAHUTI'MES  II 


75 


his  reign,  in  the  ninth  year  (Rec.  xviii.  103).    Thus  there 
were  but  four  years  for  the  expedition  and  the  sculp- 


FIG.  36.     Portrait  of  Tahutmes  II. 


FIG.  37.  —Coffin  of  Tahutmes  1 1. 

turing  before  he  died.     Even  during  his  life,  Hatshep- 
sut  appears  to  have  taken  the  leading  part;  as  she 


76  AA'KHEPER'EN-RA  [DYH.  xvm,  4. 

well  might,  being  so  much  older  than  he,  and  having 
been  associated  on  the  throne  before  him.  In  short, 
he  appears  to  be  solely  the  husband  of  Hatshepsut, 
and  not  to  have  taken  any  important  action  in  the 
government.  From  his  mummy  it  seems  that  he 
was  not  healthy,  nor  of  a  strong  frame  like  that  of 
his  father  or  brother.  And  his  early  death  bears  this 
out. 

The  great  work  of  the  temple  at  Deir  el  Bahri  we 
shall  consider  in  the  next  reign,  that  of  Hatshepsut, 
who  appears  to  have  been  the  real  author  of  it. 

At  Medinet  Habu  there  is  a  scene  of  this  king  offer- 
ing to  Min  (C.M.  195,  4).  But  most  of  the  occurrences 
of  his  name  there  are  due  to  the  need  of  filling  in 
some  name  over  the  erasures  of  Hatshepsut's  name  by 
Tahutmes  III.  ;  some  places  he  filled  in  with  his 
father's,  and  some  places  with  his  grandfather's,  over 
the  loathed  cartouche  of  his  great  sister  (L.D.  iii. 
7  a,  b,  c). 

At  Karnak  was  the  principal  work  of  this  reign. 
The  pylon  IX.  was  begun,  and  half  of  the  doorway 
inscription  completed,  the  rest  being  filled  in  by 
Tahutmes  In.  (L.D.  iii.  16,  d-g).  Two  statues  before 
this  pylon  are  also  of  the  builder.  And  several  of  the 
chambers  were  decorated  under  him  ;  following  Cham- 
pollion's  lettering,  X  shows  Tahutmes  II.  offering  to 
Amen,  but  usurped  by  Hatshepsut,  while  Hatshepsut's" 
original  work  in  this  room  is  unaltered  ;  Y  has  Tahut- 
mes II.  offering  to  Amen,  perfect  on  the  north  side,  but 
usurped  by  Hatshepsut  on  the  south  ;  room  Z  has  bad 
work  of  Tahutmes  II.  in  part,  and  of  Tahutmes  III.  in 
the  rest ;  and  room  Z1  has  some  fragments  of  a  granite 
doorway  of  Tahutmes  II.  So  this  decoration  must 
have  been  running  on  during  the  latter  part  of  his 
reign,  and  left  unfinished  at  his  death. 

He  also  appears  to  have  built  at  Esneh,  as  two 
red  granite  pillars  from  there  bear  his  name  (both  in 
P.  Mus.):  one  has  titles  and  name,.  "  beloved  son  of 
Sati"  (P.R.  1i.  3);  the  other  has  been  usurped  by 
Ramessu  II.,  and  is  a  fragment  of  an  obelisk  naming- 


TAHUTI-MES  II 


77 


the  divinities  Thenent  and  Menthu  (P.R.  ii.  43),  These 
pillars  had  probably  been  brought  from  Taud  (opposite 
Erment),  which  is  named  upon  them. 

At  Aswan  is  the  long  inscription  of  the  Nubian  war 
in  his  first  year  (L.D.  iii.  16  a).  Others  have  been 
attributed  to  this  king*  (M.I.  i.)  ;  but  reading  only 
Ra*aa*kheper,  they  might  as  well  be  of  Tahutmes  I. 
or  of  Amenhotep  II.,  and  are  probably  of  the  latter. 

At  Semneh,  Tahutmes  II.   is  named  with  his  father 
in  an  inscription  recording  gifts  to  Amen  on  the  front 
wall  (L.D.  iii.  47  c).     And  at  Kummeh  he  has  converted 
the    name    of    his 
father  into  his  own 
(L.D.    iii.    59    a). 
At  Barkal  in  Ethi- 
opia,   remains    of 
his     are     f  o  u  n  d 
(W.T.  472). 

In  the  Oasis  of 
El  Ayun  (Farafra) 
is  an  inscription  of 
this  reign  seen  by 
Ascherson  (A.Z. 
1876,  120). 

Of  private  re- 
mains there  is  the 
stele  (T.  Mus.)  of 
Pakhen  offering 
to  this  king  (L.T. 
1458);  and  at  Shut  er  Regal  the  graffito  of  Penaati,  the 
director  of  works  (P.S.  476).  The  tomb  of  Pen'nekheb 
at  El  Kab,  which  is  of  so  much  importance  for  the 
preceding  reigns,  was  made  under  this  king,  as  also 
the  grey  granite  statue  of  Pen-nekheb  (A.Z.  xxi.  77). 

Of  minor  remains,  a  statuette  of  Isis  and  Horus  has 
the  name  of  Tahutmes  II.  on  the  side  of  the  throne, 
above  groups  of  bound  prisoners  (Lee  Cat.  27). 

Scarabs  are  not  common,  and  one  with  the  ka  name 
is  the  only  type  of  interest. 

The  queen  Hatshepsut  we  shall  notice  by  herself  in 


FIG.  38.  —  Princess  Nefrura.     Deir  el  Bahri. 


78  AA-KHEPER-EN'RA  CDW.  xvm.  4-l 

the  next  section.      The  daughter   Neferirra  was   the 
eldest,  being  the  "  lady  of  both  lands,  princess  of  the 
north  and  south  ";  and  she  appears  next  behind  Hatshep- 
sut  and  Tahutmes  III.  in  scenes.     Yet  she  was  never 
married,   which  points  to  her  early  death  before  the 
adolescence  of  Tahutmes   III.     As  late,   however,  as 
the  1 6th  year  of  Hatshepsut,  she 
was  alive,  as  Senmut  was  keeper 
of  her  palace  when  he  went  to 
quarry  the  great  obelisks  (L.D. 
iii.  25  bis,  q).     This,  therefore, 
points  to  Tahutmes  being  then 
FIG.  39.— Scarabs  of  Nef-      unmarried.     Several   scarabs  of 
rura.    P.P.  Coll.  Neferu'ra  are  known.     Meryfra 

Hatsheps.et  was  the  second  daughter  (shepset,  singular, 
distinguishes  this  from  her  mother,  shcpsut^  plural) ;  she 
was  the  wife  of  Tahutmes  III.,  "  great  royal  wife," 
but  not  called  heiress  ;  and  she  was  the  mother  of 
Amenhotep  II.  Two  or  three  scarabs  of  her  are  known. 
The  descent  of  Tahutmes  III.  has  been  in  much 
doubt.  That  his  mother  was  a  concubine  named  Aset 
is  certain,  but  the  evidence  varies  between  Tahutmes  I. 
and  Tahutmes  II.  as  his  father.  The  former  king  has 
generally  been  credited,  on  the  strength  of  a  statue  of 
Anebni  (B.M.,  A.B.  51),  which  names  Tahutmes  III. 
as  brother  of  Hatshepsut.  But  against  this  there  is 
the  statue  of  Tahutmes  II.  (so  named  on  the  belt), 
dedicated  by  Tahutmes  III.  to  "his  father"  (M.K. 
38  b,  z) ;  and  in  the  tomb  of  Anna,  Tahutmes  II.  is 
said  to  have  "joined  the  gods,  and  his  son  held  his  place 
as  king,  and  was  prince  on  the  throne  of  him  who 
begat  him"  (Rec.  xii.  105-7).  The  last  expression, 
which  is  much  relied  on  by  Maspero  (S.B.A.  xiv.  178), 
is  not  conclusive,  as  Tahutmes  III.  occupied  the 
throne  equally  of  Tahutmes  I.  as  of  Tahutmes  II.  So 
we  have  the  expression  "son"  (Anna's  tomb)  and 
"father"  (statue)  to  set  against  the  "brother"  of 
Hatshepsut  (on  Anebni's  statue).  Probably  the  phrase 
brother  is  used  for  nephew  here,  or  brother's  son  ;  and 
we  should  see  in  Tahutmes  III.  a  son  of  Tahutmes  II. 


IB.C.  1516-1481.] 


HAT-SHEPSUT 


79 


XVIII.  5.  foj?t 

MAAT'KA'RA  \^  £1  l 

\\                     B.C.   1516-1503 

-JJ|               with  Tahut.  II. 

1*0^1481 

HAT'SHEPSUT  ^  f|  l"^ 

(KhnunrAmen)  \^  H  AAAAAA 

*•  ^  <r\  A$?  1  "N  with  Tahut. 
^.^^l    j           m 
U    ^     AD  1  J\            in. 

Wady  Maghara       Stele,  i6th  year 

Sarbnt  el  Khadem  Glazed  bowls 

Buto  Seal  of  temple  of  Amen 

Speos  Artemidos      Sculpture 

Deir  el  Bahri  Temple 


Jurneh 
Carnak 


Medinet  Habu 

El  Kab 
Kom  Onibo 
Aswan 


Bricks 
Obelisks 


Sandstone  block 

Chamber  sculptures 

Temple  of  Mut  begun 

Erased  name 

Bricks 

Inscription 

Gateway 

Stele  of  Sen'mut 


(L,D.  iii.  28,  2). 

(B.P.  56). 

(Ms.  G.  91). 

(Rec.  iii.  i  ;  vi.  20). 

(L.D.  iii.   8-27;  D.H. 

passim,  N.D.B.). 
(L.D.  iii.  25^/5,  26). 
(L.D.  iii.  22-24;  R.P. 

xii.    127 ;    L.D.   iii. 

24  a-c). 
(W.G.  338). 
(C.N.  ii.  145). 

(L.D.  iii.  7  a,  b,  c). 
(L.D.  iii.  26,  4). 
(R.S.  iii.  i.  130). 
(L.D.  iii.  28,  i). 
(L.D.  iii.  25  bis,  q). 


Stele 
Stele 

Stele 
Statue 

n 
Statues,  two 


Dedicated  to  Tahut.  I. 

by  Hatshepsut 
Vatican 


Ushabti 
Box 
Throne 
Draughtboard 
Set  of  draug-htmen 
Part  of  cartouche 
Lion's  head  draught- 
man 

Draughtboard 
Plaque 


G.  Coll. 

Headless,  Berl. 

Head  of,  Berl. 

Leyden 

Heads  of 

Hague 

Deir  el  Bahri, 


(L.A.  xi.) 

(Rec.  ii.  128;  C.N.  ii. 
700). 


Biban  el  Meluk,  B.  Mus. 


(L.D.  iii.  25). 
(L.D.  iii.  25). 
(A.Z.  xii.  45). 
(L.D.  iii.  25). 
(S.B.A.  1885,  183). 
G.  Mus.  (Ms.  M.  584). 


G.  Mus.  (Ms.  G.  123). 

P.  Mus.  (616). 
P.  Mus.  (456). 


8o 


MAAT-KA'RA 


{DYN.  XVIH.S. 


Alabaster  vases       Abydos  G.  Mus.  (M.A.  1467-8). 

„  P.  Mus.  (456,  356-7) 

,,  ,,  Alnwick  (Cat.  1380). 

Models  of  tools     P ;  F ;  G ;  Leydcn,  T.  Muss. 

Bead,  glass  or  obsidian  (W.M.C.  ii.  141). 

Scarabs  and  plaques. 

Although  the  reign  of  this  queen  is  entirely  over- 
lapped by  those  of  her  co-regents,  Tahutmes  I.,  II., 
and  III.,  yet  her  importance  during  the  life  of  her 
husband,  and  her  independence  during  the  nominal 

reign  of  her  nephew,  until  her 
death,  make  it  most  fitting 
to  treat  her  monuments  and 
acts  separately. 

Her  activity  seems  to  have 
been  entirely  given  to  peaceful 
enterprises,  owing  to  the 
vigour  and  extensive  con- 
quests of  her  father  having 
ensured  an  age  of  tranquillity 
to  the  realm. 

In    the     Sinaitic    peninsula 
FIG.  40.— Portrait  of  Hatshepsut.   she    worked    the    mines.      At 
MfcLrter.ri<    Photographby  Wady     Maghara,     a     tablet, 
dated  in  her  i6th  year  (=  the 

3rd  year  of  Tahutmes  III.),  shows  her  offering  to 
Sopd,  and  Tahutmes  III.  offering  to  Hathor.  It  fias 
been  suggested  that,  as  he  has  the  crown  of  Lower 
Egypt,  he  was  ruler  there,  while  she  ruled  the  upper 
country ;  but  this  cannot  hold  good,  as  he  has  the 
double  crown  on  her  obelisk  (L.D.  iii.  246),  and  has 
the  upper  crown  on  the  doorway  of  Kom  Ombo,  built 
under  Jier  (L.D.  iii.  28,  i  b).  At  Sarbut  el  Khadem 
she  reopened  the  mines  which  had  been  worked  by 
Amenemhat  II.  (p.  165)  ;  and  pieces  of  glazed  vases, 
bowls,  etc.,  are  found  there  with  her  name,  and  the 
names  of  later  rulers  down  to  the  XXth  dynasty.  This 
shows  that  not  only  the  mines  were  worked,  but  also 
potteries  of  glazed  ware,  and  probably  the  manufacture 
of  glass  and  frit  coloured  with  the  copper  there 


B.C.  1516-1481.1  HAT-SHEPSUT  81 

found.  Such  work  implies  the  use  of  a  good  deal  of 
fuel,  and  points  the  more  wooded  state  of  the  desert  in 
past  times,  as  indicated  also  by  other  facts  (B.P.  56). 

That  the  Delta  began  to  rise  into  notice  again,  is 
shown  by  the  seal  of  the  temple  of  Amen  at  Buto,  bear- 
ing the  name  of  Hatshepsut  (Ms.  G.  91). 

At  Speos  Artemidos,  near  Beni  Hasan,  an  inscription 
of  42  lines  above  the  facade  shows  that  it  was  begun  by 
this  queen,  though  the  interior  was  further  carved  by 
Sety  I.  This  inscription  shows  that  she  had  largely 
refitted  the  temples,  and  rebuilt  some  of  them,  as  we 
have  noticed  in  the  XVI Ith  dynasty  (p.  19).  One  re- 
markable phrase  is,  "my  spirits  inclined  toward 
foreign  people  .  .  .  the  people  Roshau  and  luu  did  not 
hide  themselves  from  me  "  ;  and,  further,  the  expedition 
to  Punt  is  mentioned,  and  the  importation  of  trees  and 
incense.  This  points  to  a  general  taste  for  geographical 
enterprise,  such  as  we  see  illustrated  in  the  great  ex- 
pedition (Rec.  iii.  i  ;  vi.  20). 

The  grand  work  of  this  queen  was  her  vast  and 
unique  temple  at  Deir  el  Bahri,  so  called  because  a 
Coptic  convent  or  Deir  was  built  in  its  ruins  in  Chris- 
tian times,  and  was  called  the  northern  (Bahri)  often 
misspelled  Bahari),  in  contrast  to  the  southern  at  Deir 
el  Medineh.  Owing  to  the  nearness  to  this  temple  of 
the  great  tomb  cave  where  the  royal  mummies  were 
hidden,  both  have  been  called  by  the  same  narhe ;  but 
that  sepulchre  has  no  relation  to  the  temple,  and  is 
round  a  corner  of  the  cliff,  in  quite  another  bay.  As 
this  temple  is  now  being  fully  explored,  it  would  be 
premature  to  attempt  to  describe  its  details. 

The  general  plan  is  that  of  a  series  of  three  great 
terraces  or  platforms,  rising  one  higher  than  another 
ftp  the  slope  of  the  ground,  until  the  last  is  backed 
against  the  vertical  cliffs  of  the  mountain.  An  axial 
stairway  led  from  terrace  to  terrace.  Along  the  front 
of  each  terrace  the  platform  was  carried  on  the  top  of 
a  cloister  or  colonnade.  The  upper  terrace  is  headed 
by  a  row  of  chambers,  the  middle  one  of  which  is  carried 
deep  into  the  rock,  and  lined  with  sculptured  slabs. 


83  MAAT*KA*RA  (DVN.  xvm.  5- 

Other  chambers,  and  an  altar  in  a  courtyard,  lie  on 
either  side  of  the  upper  terrace. 

The  historical  interest  is  in  the  representation  of  the 
great  expedition  to  Punt.  This  is  shown  on  the  wall 
which  subdivides  the  upper  terrace  across.  The  head 
of  the  scene  is  on  the  right  hand  of  the  spectator. 
There  Amen  is  seated  ;  before  him  is  a  speech  of  his  to 
the  queen  in  15  columns.  A  speech  of  the  queen  in  six 
columns  is  in  front  of  her  figure,  standing  adoring 


FIG.  41,— Sculpture  of  Deir  el  Bahri. 

Amen.  Next  is  the  bark  of  Amen,  borne  by  24  priests 
and  two  high  priests,  before  which  Tahutmes  III.  makes 
offering  of  incense.  After  a  speech  of  the  queen  in  five 
columns,  offering  all  the  products  of  the  land  of  Punt 
to  Amen,  then  appear  Safekh  and  Tahuti, — the  deities 
of  writing  and  of  numbers, — registering  all  the  offer- 
ings. Horus  superintends  the  balance,  where  rings 
and  bars  of  electrum  are  being  weighed.  Piles  of  green 
ana  incense  are  being- measured  out.  Following  these 


B.C.  15x6-1481,]  HAT-SHEPSUT  83 

are  the  trees,  the  cattle,  the  logs  of  ebony,  the  tusks  of 
ivory,  the  boxes  of  electrum,  the  leopard  skins,  the 
panthers,  the  giraffe,  and  the  cattle,  all  of  which  are 
offered  to  Amen. 

Following  this  is  a  figure  of  the  queen,  and  of  her  ka 
behind  her,  introducing  the  scenes  of  the  expedition. 
Eight  ships  and  a  boat  are  embarking  the  produce  of 
Punt,  the  trees  transplanted  in  baskets,  the  sacks  and 
bales  and  jars,  the  baboons,  —all  are  being  brought  in 
peace  to  the  fleet.  Next  is  the  scene  of  the  meeting  of 
the  Egyptian  troops  and  commander,  with  Parohu,  the 
chief  of  Punt,  Aty  his  wife,  their  two  sons  and  daughter, 
the  ass  on  which  the  queen  rode,  and  three  attendants. 
Behind  them  is  their  town  ;  the  houses  are  built  on 
piles  and  entered  by  ladders,  while  palms  growing 
beside  them  overshadow  them.  The  strange  fatness  of 
the  queen  has  been  much  speculated  upon  ;  whether  it 
was  a  disease  such  as  elephantiasis,  or  was  natural  fat, 
has  been  debated  ;  but  as  her  daughter  shows  much 
the  same  tendency  of  curve  in  the  back,  it  is  probably 
the  effect  of  extreme  fat,  which  was  considered  a  beauty, 
as  in  South  Africa  at  present. 

Scenes  in  other  parts  show  the  festivities  of  the 
return  from  Punt,  the  troops  eagerly  hastening  in  pro- 
cession, the  sacrifices  being  cut  up  and  offered,  and  the 
dances  of  the  Libyan  allies  with  boomerangs. 

Many  points  of  great  interest  occur  in  the  details. 
The  physiognomy  of  the  Punites  is  finely  rendered  ;  it 
it  is  much  like  that  of  the  early  Egyptians  (compare  the 
queen  and  Hesy),  and  the  form  of  beard  is  that  of  the 
Egyptian  gods.  The  great  variety  of  fishes  in  the  sea 
beneath  the  ships  is  no  mere  fancy  ;  the  species  have 
been  identified  with  the  Red  Sea  fishes,  and  show  close 
observation.  Either  the  fish  were  brought  back  for  the 
artist,  or  else  artists  accompanied  the  expedition — prob- 
ably the  latter,  as  the  queen  and  her  ass,  the  houses 
and  trees,  all  seem  to  have  been  seen  by  the  designer. 
Another  class  of  details  is  the  military  outfit  of  the 
Egyptian  troops  ;  the  standards  which  they  carry,  of 
figures  in  sacred  barks,  lions,  heads,  and  cartouches  of 


MAAT'KA-RA 


[DYN.XVIII.S. 


B.C.  1516-1481.] 


HAT-SHEJPSUt 


the  queen,  the  axes,  bows,  spears,  and  boomerangs, 
the  drum  beaten  with  a  hand  on  either  end  ; — all  of 
these  are  beautifully  represented. 

On  other  parts  of  the  temple,  in  the  colonnade  of  the 
middle  terrace,  are  scenes  of  the  royal  family.  Ta- 
hutmes  I.,  queen  Aahmes,  and  the  elder  daughter, 
Khebfneferu,  are  there  posthumously  figured.  In  the 
chambers  cut  into  the  rock  at  the  head  of  the  terraces 
are  also  various  figures  of  the  family :  Aahmes,  Hat- 
shepsut,  and  Tahutmes  II.  are  seated  before  their 
tables  of  offering,  with 
the  lists  of  funeral 
offerings  above.  These 
are  true  tomb  sculp- 
tures, and  show  that 
these  were  the  funereal 
chapels  of  the  family. 
But  the  places  of  the 
tombs  are  quite  un- 
known. Perhaps  they 
are  in  the  rock  behind, 
entered  from  some  by- 
passage  ;  but,  as  we 
shall  see  later  on, 
there  is  evidence  that 
Hatshepsut's  tomb  is 
entered  from  the  valley 
Of  the  kings'  tombs,  FlG'  43-Egyp^soldiers.  Deir  el 

just  behind  the  wall  of 

cliff,  and  therefore  more  probably  the  other  tombs  of 

the    family  adjoin  that.     It  is  rather  on  the  other  side 

of  the  cliff  that  we  must  expect  the  entrance  to  be 

found  to  the   tombs,   and   not   on   the   Deir  el   Bahri 

side. 

The  next  most  important  works  of  the  great  queen 
are  the  obelisks  at  Karnak.  The  greater  one  was 
erected  on  the  Sed  festival  in  her  sixteenth  year.  The 
sides  bear  the  splendidly  cut  line  of  hieroglyphics  down 
the  middle  of  each,  with  the  scenes  of  Hatshepsut  and 
Tahutmes  III.  offering  to  Amen  in  all  his  various 


86  MAAT-KA'RA  [DYN.  xvm.  s. 

characters,  while  one  scene  on  each  side  has  been 
usurped  later  by  Sety  I.  This  great  obelisk  was  recog- 
nised as  a  triumph  of  work  and  a  marvel  of  speedy 
execution  ;  and  a  long  inscription  in  small  lines  around 
the  base  of  it  is  happily  preserved  to  show  with  what 
feelings  it  was  erected.  After  an  adoration  to  Amen, 
she  states  "  she  hath  made  this  as  a  monument  to  her 
father  Amen,  lord  of  the  thrones  of  the  two  lands, 
dwelling  in  Thebes,  even  hath  made  for  him  two  great 
obelisks  of  hard  granite  of  the  south,  the  point  of  each 
is  of  electrum,  the  tribute  of  the  best  quality  of  all  coun- 
tries. They  are  seen  on  both  sides  of  the  valley,  the 
two  lands  are  bathed  in  their  splendours.  The  sun's 
disc  rises  between  them,  as  when  it  rises  from  the 
horizon  of  heaven.  I  have  done  this  from  a  heart  full 
of  love  for  my  divine  father  Amen. 

**  I  have  entered  upon  the  way  in  which  he  conducted 
me  from  the  beginning,  all  my  acts  were  according  to 
his  mighty  spirit.  I  have  not  failed  in  anything  which 
he  hath  ordained  ....  I  make  this  known  to  the 
generations  which  are  to  come,  whose  hearts  will 
enquire  after  this  monument  which  I  have  made  for  my 
father,  and  who  will  talk  enquiringly  and  gaze  upon  it 
in  future.  I  was  sitting  in  the  palace,  I  was  thinking 
of  my  creator,  when  my  heart  urged  me  to  make  for 
him  two  obelisks  of  electrum  whose  points  reach  unto 
the  sky,  in  the  noble  hall  of  columns  which  is  between 
the  two  great  pylons  of  the  king  Aa'kheperka'ra. 
Behold,  my  heart  led  me  to  consider  what  men  would 
say.  Oh,  ye  who  see  my  monument  in  the  course  of 
years,  and  converse  of  what  I  have  done,  beware  of 
saying,  •  *  I  know  not,  I  know  not,  why  these  things 
were  done '  .  .  .  Verily  the  two  great  obelisks  that 
my  majesty  has  wrought  with  electrum,  they  are  for  my 
father  Amen,  to  the  end  that  my  name  should  remain 
established  in  this  temple  for  ever  and  ever.  They  are 
of  a  single  stone  of  hard  granite  without  any  joining 
or  division  in  them.  My  majesty  commanded  to  work 
for  them  in  the  I5th  year,  the  first'  day  of  Mekhir,  till 
the  1 6th  year  and  the  last  day  of  Mesori,  making  seven 


B.C  1516-1481.]  HAT-SHEPSUT  87 

months  since  the  ordering  of  it  in  the  quarry"  (R.P. 
xii.  131). 

As  Tahutmes  I.  died  about  the  end  of  Epiphi  (fifteen 
years  before),  the  sixth  of  the  seven  months  here  named, 
and  as  by  the  change  in  the  regnal  year  Hatshepsut 
must  have  begun  to  reign  in  one  of  those  months,  and 
before  Tahutmes  II.  was  associated,  about  early  in 
Pakhons  (see  p.  61),  we  see  that  the  association  of 
Hatshepsut  on  the  throne  is  limited  to  Mekhir,  Pha- 
menoth,  or  Pharmuthi,  that  is,  between  three  and  six 
months  before  her  father's  death. 

The  very  brief  time  of  seven  months  for  the  whole  work 
of  this  obelisk,  of  nearly  a  hundred  feet  high,  in  hard 
red  granite,  has  been  a  stumbling-block  and  wonder  to 
all  who  have  considered  it.  If  we  exclude  the  pre- 
liminaries, and  date  from  the  actual  cleaving  of  it  from 
the  bed,  we  can  scarcely  write  off  less  than  two  months 
for  extracting  the  block  and  bringing  it  to  Thebes.  If 
it  were  erected  in  the  rough,  and  then  worked  by  men  on 
a  scaffolding  around  it,  so  as  to  get  the  greatest  number 
employed  at  once,  we  must  set  off  at  least  a  month  for 
erecting  it  and  placing  the  scaffold.  Thus  four  months 
is  left  for  men,  working  by  relays,  to  dress  down,  polish 
and  engrave,  at  least  three  or  four  square  yards  of 
surface  for  each  man.  This  would  be  the  probable 
distribution  of  time  ;  and  nothing  impresses  us  more 
with  the  magnificent  organisation  of  the  Egyptians, 
than  this  power  of  launching  hundreds  of  highly  trained 
and  competent  workmen  on  a  single  scheme  in  perfect 
co-ordination.  It  is  no  question  of  a  tyranny  of  brute 
force  and  mere  numbers ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  a 
brilliant  organisation  and  foresight  dealing  with  a 
carefully  prepared  staff. 

The  second  obelisk  has  been  overthrown,  and  the 
upper  part  of  it  lies  broken  off,  on  a  bed  of  fragments 
from  the  neighbouring  buildings. 

In  some  of  the  sculptures  of  the  chambers  this  queen 
also  appears  ;  sometimes  in  original  work,  sometimes 
in  substitutions  of  her  name  for  that  of  Tahutmes  II. 
(C.N.  ii.  145,  rooms  X,  Y). 


88  MAAT'KA'RA  [DYN.  xvm.  5, 

At  the  Tahutmes  temple  of  Medinet  Habu  she  has 
erased  her  father's  name  to  make  room  for  her  own, 
aa'kheper  giving  place  to  maat  (L.D.  Hi.  27).  In 
another  place  her  name  appears  on  the  jambs,  and  that 
of  her  husband  on  the  lintel.  At  El  Kab  ^n  inscription 
of  hers  was  formerly  known  (R.S.  iii.  i.  130). 

At  Kom  Ombo,  the  great  gateway,  now  washed 
away,  bore  her  name  on  it  as  builder,  though  Tahutmes 
III.  appears  on  one  jamb,  and  perhaps  Tahutmes  II. 
on  the  other,  now  altered  to  the  Illrd.  The  absence  of 
feminine  terminations  makes  it  unlikely  to  be  a  figure 
of  the  queen  (L.D.  iii.  28,  i  ;  R.R.  xxviii.). 

At  Aswan  the  inscription  of  Senmut  on  his  going  to 
quarry  the  obelisks  is  valuable,  as  showing  that 
Neferu'ra  was  still  living  then.  The  rapid  carving  of 
these  rock  inscriptions  on  all  occasions  shows  the 
mastery  of  tools.  As  the  inscription  of  Hammamat 
also  shows  (i.  p.  151),  where  a  long  and  fine  inscription 
was  cut  in  eight  days,  as  shown  by  an  informal  one 
roughly  added  below  it. 

As  Senmut  was  one  of  the  greatest  men  of  his  age, 
we  may  here  notice  his  remains.  His  statue  is  in  the 
Berlin  Museum,  and  bears  a  long  inscription,  from 
which  we  learn  that  he  was  chief  tutor  to  the  king's 
daughter,  the  heiress  of  the  two  lands,  Neferu'ra ; 
that  his  parentage  was  not  distinguished,  as  his 
44 ancestors  were  not  found  in  writing";  that  htr 
was  created  a  prince,  the  companion,  greatly  beloved, 
keeper  of  the  temple  of  Amen,  keeper  of  the  granaries 
of  Amen,  and  director  of  the  directors  of  works  (chief 
architect).  Other  official  charges  were  also  held  by 
him ;  and  it  is  not  difficult  to  see  that  he  was  the 
favoured  official  of  the  queen,  after  the  death  of  her 
husband  and  in  the  minority  of  her  other  brother  (L.D. 
iii.  25  h-m).  Another  statue  of  his,  found  in  the 
temple  of  Mut,  shows  that  he  built  many  temples  for 
the  queen.  On  his  funeral  stele  he  perpetuates  the 
memory  of  his  father  and  mother,  though  they  were  not 
distinguished,  as  he  is  shown  seated  between  them  ; 
the  father,  Rames,  embracing  him,  the  mother,  Hat' 


HAT-SHEPSUT 


FIG.  44.—  Senmut  the  architect.    Berlin. 


90  MAAT-KA-RA  TDVN.  xvm.  s. 

nefer,  holding  a  flower  before  her  great  son.  He 
appears  there  to  have  had  special  charge  of  the  sacred 
cattle,  of  which  many  are  figured  and  named  (L.D. 
iii.  25  bis,  a).  His  stele  at  Aswan  shows  him  standing 
before  Hatshepsut,  and  entitled  the  royal  seal-bearer, 
the  companion,  greatly  beloved,  keeper  of  the  palace, 
keeper  of  the  heart  of  the  queen  (see  "  keeper  of  the 
king's  conscience,"  the  Lord  Chancellor),  making  con- 
tent the  lady  of  both  lands,  making  all  things  come  to 
pass  for  the  spirits  of  her  majesty.  It  is  stated  that  he 
there  carved  the  two  great  obelisks  for  the  queen  which 
we  have  described  above  (L.D.  iii.  25  bis,  q).  From 
the  stamps  on  the  bricks  of  his  tomb,  we  see  that  he 
was  priest  of  Aahmes,  and  held  offices  for  the  younger 
daughter,  Hatshepset  (Meryfra),  as  well  as  for  the 
elder  one,  Nefenrra.  His  tomb  is  high  up,  on  the 
N.E.  of  the  Qurneh  hill ;  it  was  very  magnificent, 
but  the  painted  facing  of  the  walls  is  almost  entirely 
destroyed.  A  staff  bearing  his  name  is  in  the  hands 
of  a  dealer  at  Luxor.  A  clear  white  glass  bead  of 
Senmut  was  found  at  Deir  el  Bahri  (1894)  ;  and  another 
bead  of  Hatshepsut  appears  to  bear  his  name  (W.M.C. 
ii.  141). 

A  curious  point  is  the  religious  adoration  of  Hathor, 
developed  as  a  familiarity  and  petting  of  the  sacred 
kine.  On  the  scenes  of  Deir  el  Bahri,  Tahutmes  II.  is 
being  licked  by  the  sacred  cow  (D.H.  ii.  32)  ;  and  Haf^ 
shepsut  had  favourite  cows,  as  one  of  them  is  named 
on  Senmut's  stele  as  "her  great  favourite,  the  red." 
The  line  of  kine  down  the  side  of  Senmut's  stele  all 
have  their  names,  and  were  probably  pet  animals  of  the 
queen  in  the  sacred  cattle  farm. 

Another  keeper  of  the  palace,  who  took  the  queen's 
diadem  title  as  his  own  name,  Uazifrenpitu,  is  re- 
corded on  a  rock  tablet  north  of  Aswan,  below  the 
joint  cartouches  of  Ra'maat'ka  and  Ra*men*kheper 
(M.I.  i.  207,  10). 

Of  minor  monuments  there  are  several.  A  stele  in 
the  Louvre  is  dedicated  by  Hatshepsut  to  Tahutmes  I., 
and  he  is  represented  seated  receiving  offerings  (L.A. 


B.C.  1516^-1481.] 


HAT-SHEPSUT 


xi.).  Another  stele  in  the  Vatican  shows  Hatshepsut 
offering  to  Amen,  with  Tahutmes  III.  standing  behind 
her  (C.N.  ii.  700-1).  And  a  small  stele  shows  the 
queen  suckled  by  the  Hathor  cow,  as  figured  at  Deir 
el  Bahri  (Grant  Coll.). 


Several  statues  of  the  queen  are  known.  The  temple 
at  Deir  el  Bahri  had  an  avenue  of  sphinxes,  all  portraits 
of  the  queen.  Two  of  these  heads  are  preserved  at 


MAAT-KA'RA 


[DYN.  xvm  5. 


Berlin  ;  also  the  head  of  a  statue,  and  a  headless  statue 
of  the  queen  (all  L.D.  iii.  25).  Two  other  statues  are 
in  Leyden  (A.Z.  xiii.  45).  An  ushabti  of  fine  work  is  at 
the  Hague  (S.B.A.  vii.  183).  A  box  with  the  cartouches 
of  the  queen  was  found  in  the  royal  deposit  of  mummies 
at  Deir  el  Bahri ;  but  as  the  name  of  Amen  had  been 
erased  from  it,  it  must  have  been  accessible  during*  the 
time  of  Akhenaten,  and  was  not  therefore  in  the  tomb 
of  the  queen.  The  liver  which  was  found  in  it  has  been 
consequently  supposed  to  be  that  of  the  later  queen 


FIG.  46. —Chair  of  Hatshepsut.     Biban  el  Meluk. 

Ra*maat*ka  of  the  XXIst  dynasty  ;  though  it  would  be 
a  happy  chance  if  this  box  had  been  available  some 
centuries  after  it  was  made,  so  as  to  be  used  for  a 
queen  of  the  same  name  (Ms.  M.  584). 

An  important  discovery  of  objects  of  Hatshepsut 
was  made  a  few  years  ago  in  the  royal  tombs  (Rec.  x. 
126).  As  I  believe  the  circumstances  have  not  been 
published,  I  will  recount  what  I  have  heard  from  my 
late  friend,  Greville  Chester,  who  bought  the  objects 
for  Mr.  Haworth,  by  whom  they  were  presented  to  the 


HAT-SHEPSUT  93 

British  Museum.  Mr.  Chester  was  informed  by  the 
Arabs  that  a  group  of  objects,  comprising  a  throne,  a 
draughtboard,  many  draughtmen,  and  a  piece  of  a 
wooden  cartouche,  were  all  found  hidden  away  in  one 
of  the  side  chambers  of  the  tomb  of  Ramessu  IX., 
under  the  loos^e  stones  which  encumber  the  place. 
This  spot  was  pointed  out  to  Mr.  Chester  by  the  Arab 
dealer  who  went  with  him.  The  place  we  cannot 
corroborate,  beyond  seeing  that  it  is  just  at  the  mouth 
of  that  side  valley  which  runs  up  closest  to  the  cliff 
behind  the  temple  of  Hatshepsut,  and  which  is  there- 
fore the  most  likely  to  contain  her  tomb.  The  objects 
being  thus  hidden,  it  would  imply  that  when  her  tomb 
had  been  anciently  plundered,  the  thieves  had  carried 
out  of  it  everything  portable,  in  order  to  be  able  to 
remove  the  objects  at  leisure,  after  attention  had  been 
called  to  their  attack  on  the  queen's  tomb  ;  hence  they 
had  buried  the  articles  of  lesser  value  in  the  already 
open  tomb  of  Ramessu  IX.,  at  the  mouth  of  the  valley, 
until  they  might  find  it  convenient  to  remove  them. 
The  collocation  of  the  objects  shows  strongly  that  they 
really  belonged  together.  The  portion  of  wooden 
cartouche  was  not  easily  readable,  except  to  anyone 
who  knew  the  signs  by  heart ;  nor  did  the  seller  at  all 
profess  to  read  it,  hence  there  was  no  attempt  to 
connect  the  find  with  this  queen.  But  the  wooden 
draughtmen  are  all  in  form  of  lions'  heads,  of  just  the 
type  of  a  fine  one  of  jasper,  which  bears  the  name  of 
the  queen  on  the  head  and  the  collar  (Ms.  G.  2965). 
This  latter  in  the  Ghizeh  Museum  cannot  have  served 
as  a  model  to  later  fabricators,  as — to  say  nothing  of 
the  difficulty  of  copying  an  object  in  the  museum — they 
would  have  certainly  copied  the  cartouche  to  enhance 
the  value,  if  they  copied  at  all.  Hence  the  Museum 
specimen  authenticates  and  dates  the  similar  heads 
found  elsewhere ;  and  it  is  important  to  note  this, 
because  in  the  passion  of  incredulity  doubt  has  been 
thrown  on  the  authenticity  of  these  lion-head  draught- 
men.  They  are  then  clearly  linked  with  the  same 
queen  who  is  named  on  the  fragment  of  cartouche 


94 


MAATKA-RA 


[DYN.  xvui.  5* 


found  with  them.  The  draughtboard  is  also  probably 
connected  with  the  pieces  for  playing.  Hence,  so  far 
as  we  can  test  it,  there  is  good  evidence  for  the  truth 
of  the  story ;  and  the  style  of  the  throne — of  rare 
woods,  inlaid  elaborately  with  electrum  (the  serpent 
being  of  the  same  wood  as  the  cartouche),  and  its 
slender  and  beautiful  form — is  quite  consistent  with  the 
taste  of  the  early  XVIIIth  dynasty.  So  far,  then,  as 
any  account  can  be  tested,  under  the  system  of  secrecy 
and  mystification  enforced  by  an  arbitrary  and  injurious 
law,  there  seems  no  reason  to  doubt  the  account  which 
has  been  given. 

A  glazed  draughtboard  and  a  plaque  with  the 
queen's  name  are  in  the  Louvre.  Alabaster  vases 
were  found  at  Abydos,  containing  black  and  yellow 
resin  (G.  Mus.  ;  M.A.  1467-8).  Several  rude  small 
alabaster  vases  with  the  name  were  evidently  found 
along  with  the  models  of  tools,  which  belong  to  some 
extensive  foundation  deposit,  probably  from  Deir  el 
Bahri ;  these  objects  are  scattered  in  the  museums 
of  Paris,  Florence,  Turin,  Leyden,  and  Ghizeh. 
Another  complete  series  of  such  models  from  a 
foundation  deposit  have  lately  been  found  at  Deir 

el  Bahri,  in  a  pit  in  the 
rock,  by  M.  Naville.  Bricks 
stamped  by  Hatshepsut  are* 
found  at  Qurneh ;  some 
with  the  added  name  of  the 
deceased  Tahutmes  I.,  pro- 
bably made  just  after  his 
death  (L.D.  iii.  25  bisy  26). 
Many  scarabs  and  plaques 
of  the  queen  are  known ; 
some  have  the  ka  name, 
and  the  vulture  and  uraeus 
name.  But  the  most  inter- 
esting class  are  the  restored 
scarabs  of  earlier  kings.  Scarabs -bear  double  car- 
touches of  Usertesen  III.  and  Tahutmes  III.,  of  Sebek- 
hotep  III.  and  Tahutmes  III.,  and  of  Amenhotep  I,  and 


FIG.  47.— Scarab  of  Hatshepsut, 
with  name  of  Usertesen  III. 
Louvre. 


B.C.  I5i6-i48r.]  HAT-SHEPSUT  95 


Tahutmes    III.;    others   read    doubly   Ra  [  ^^  j  ka, 

Usertesen  II.  and  Hatshepsut  ;  others  have  these  two 
names  both  complete  ;  and  other  scarabs  of  Men'ka'ra, 
Neferka'ra,  Amenemhat  II.,  Usertesen  III.,  and 
Amenhotep  I.  are  identical  in  type  and  workmanship 
with  the  scarabs  of  Hatshepsut  and  her  brother. 

The  children  of  Hatshepsut  we  have  already  noticed 
in  her  husband's  reign. 

Some  private  remains  of  this  reign  may  be  noted. 
An  ostrakon,  written  on  a  limestone  flake,  records 
Sat'ra,  surnamed  An,  the  chief  nurse  of  the  queen,  who 
prays  a  suten  du  hotep  to  Hatshepsut  as  a  divinity 
(S.B.A.  ix.  183).  A  statue  of  Anebi  (B.  Mus.)  praises 
the  queen  and  Tahutmes  III.  (L.A.  xi.).  The  tomb  of 
Duaheh,  No.  22  at  Qurneh,  mentions  the  queen 
(C.N.  515-6).  Tahuti  adores  Hatshepsut  and  the  gods 
of  Thebes  on  a  statuette  of  his  (E.  Coll.). 

On  noticing-  the  details  of  the  family  history,  we 
now  see  how  the  position  of  Hatshepsut,  which  has 
caused  so  much  speculation,  was  a  very  natural  one  to 
occur,  and  does  not  imply  any  particular  bad  faith  on 
any  side.  Her  father  died  before  he  had  a  son  old 
enough  to  properly  succeed  him  on  the  throne  ;  and 
about  five  or  six  months  before  his  death  (probably  in 
failing  health),  he  associated  his  daughter  with  him,  as 
she  was  the  heiress  of  the  kingdom  in  the  female  line, 
in  which  royal  descent  (like  that  of  private  families) 
was  specially  traced.  She  was  then  about  24  years  of 
age,  of  great  capacity  and  power.  Two  or  three 
months  later,  he  married  to  her  his  eldest  son,  Tahut- 
mes II.,  who  would  otherwise  have  had  no  claim  to 
the  throne,  being  the  son  of  Mut'nefert,  and  not  of  a 
royal  princess.  Ten  weeks  later  he  died.  Tahutmes 
II.  showed  no  ability,  and  seems  to  have  been  a  weak- 
ling: he  did  not  go  on  the  campaign  when  he  was 
about  1  8  years  old  ;  he  never  entered  on  any  other  war, 
nor  undertook  any  important  work.  During  his  life 
his  sister  appears  to  have  ordered  and  organised  public 
business,  and  he  died  about  30.  Thus  Hatshepsut  was 


96  MAAT-KA-RA  pw*.  xvi".  s-1 

left  the  sole  legitimate  ruler  at  about  37  years  of  age  ; 
the  only  person  who  could  challenge  her  power  being 
her  little  nephew,  Tahutmes  III.,  then  perhaps  9  years 
old.  He  had  no  claim  to  the  throne,  being  the  son  of 
a  woman,  Aset,  not  of  royal  blood.  But  his  aunt  did 
all  she  reasonably  could :  she  associated  him  with  her 
in  the  kingdom,  public  dating  of  documents  was 
carried  on  in  his  name ;  and  though  her  eldest 
daughter,  that  beautiful  and  most  brilliant  girl, 
Nefenrra,  had  died,  she  married  the  second  to 
him  as  soon  as  might  be,  and  so  gave  him  the 
position  of  heir.  To  throw  up  the  power  which  she 
had  more  or  less  wielded  for  so  long,  to  turn  the 
affairs  of  state  over  from  an  experienced  and  large- 
minded  ruler  of  mature  age  at  37  to  a  boy  of  9, 
was  not  to  be  thought  of  for  a  moment.  She  did 
all  that  was  reasonable  ;  and  if  she  held  on  firmly  till 
her  death  to  the  power  which  was  unquestionably  her 
right,  she  only  did  as  any  other  capable  ruler  would 
have  done.  No  doubt  it  was  galling  to  a  very  active 
and  ambitious  young  man  to  be  held  down  to  peaceful 
pomp  and  routine  ;  no  doubt  the  etiquette  of  the  court 
did  not  become  less  precise  when,  in  old  age,  the  queen 
held  tenaciously  to  her  rights  ;  and  no  doubt,  when 
Tahutmes  found  life  passing,  and  himself  entering  the 
thirties  without  being  allowed  free  scope,  he  may  wjsll 
have  chafed  and  become  very  sore  at  everything  belong- 
ing to  the  old  lady.  But  all  things  come  to  him  who 
waits.  Egypt  developed  greatly  during  twenty  years  of 
peace  and  commerce,  and  resources  were  husbanded; 
so  that,  when,  at  the  queen's  death  at  about  59, 
Tahutmes  —  then  about  31  —  succeeded  to  the  full 
power,  he  found  a  grand  instrument  in  his  hands, 
and  was  able  in  a  few  weeks'  time  to  launch  out  into 
that  mighty  series  of  campaigns  which  mark  the 
highest  extent  of  Egyptian  power,  and  which  gloriously 
occupied  twenty-eight  years  of  overflowing  energy. 


TAHUTIMES  III 


XVIII.  6.  ( 

MEN*KHEPER'(KA)'RA    I      O 

TAHUTI-MES  (III.) 

HEQ'UAST 


r""1"! 


urn 


1449 

B.C. 


Coffin  and  mummy  (Ms.  M.  547). 


Sarbut  eH 

Stele,  23rd  year 

(L.D.  Hi.  29  a). 

Khadem  J 

Stele,  27111  year 
Jamb  of  doorway 

T  photograph). 
(          »»          )• 

»» 

Glazed  vase  bits 

(B.P.j6). 

Wady  Maghara 
Kom  el  Hisn 

Inscription 
Foundation  deposit 

(My.  E.  344). 
(F.P.  Coll.). 

Heliopolis 

Gate  jambs 

(B.R.  ix.  23a-b). 

,,         ,,     (Cairo) 

(D.E.  v.  24,  i). 

Stele,  47th  year  (Berl.) 

(L.D.  iii.  29  b). 

Obelisk  (Lateran) 

(G.O.,  R.P.  iv.  n). 

,,         (Constantinople) 

(L.D.  iii.  60). 

,,         (New  York) 

(G.O.,  R.P.  x.  21), 

,,         (London) 

(G.O.). 

Abusir 

Inscription,  Amenemhat 

(L.D.  iii.  29  e). 

Memphis 

Temple  of  Ptah 

(Sakhara     inscr. 

B.H.  403). 

Gurob 

Temple 

(P.K.  32,  xxii.). 

Speos  Artemidos 

Rock  shrine 

(L.D.  iii.  26,  7). 

El  Bersheh 

Stele 

(S.I.  ii.  37). 

Ekhmim 

Stele 

(L.D.  iii.  29  d). 

ji 

Inscription 

(My.  E.  421). 

Abydos 

Osiris  statue 

(M.A.;  I.). 

>> 

Two  statues  of  king1 

(M.A.  348,  9). 

Dendera 

Founding  of  temple 

(A.Z.  iii.  91). 

Hammamat 

Inscription 

(My.  E.  326). 

Koptos 
Nubt 

Temple. 
Town  and  temple,  etc. 

Karnak 

E.  hall  of  pillars. 

Surrounding  courts  of  temple. 

Hinder  sanctuary. 

South  pylon  VII. 

Temple  of  Ptah. 

Temple  of  Mut  begun  ? 

Medinet  Habu 

Temple 

(L.D.  iii.  7,  17,27-8, 

37-8)- 

N.  of  Ramesseum 

Temple. 

II  —  7 

98 

MEN-KHEPER-RA 

[DYN.  xvm.  6. 

Deir  el  Bahri 
»» 

Completion  of  Temple. 
Obelisks 

(L.D.  iii.  60). 

Taud 

Fragments 

(W.G.  362). 

Esneh 

Stele  mentioned 

(L.D.  iv.  78  a). 

ElKab 

Temple  architecture 

(C.N.  266). 

>  j 

Two  temples,  fragments. 

Edfu 

Late  inscription  on  building1  (A.Z.  ix.  97). 

Kom  Ombo 

Pylon  (now  lost) 

(L.  D.    iii.    28,     i  ; 

R.R.  28). 

»» 
Elephantine 
j» 

Lintel 
Temple  (destroyed) 
Block  at  station 

(A.Z.  xxi.  78). 
(D.E.i.  34-8). 
(Rec.  ix.  81). 

» 

Obelisk  (Sion  Ho.) 

(Birch,  Hist.  102). 

Aswan 

Inscriptions 

(Rec.  xiii.  203;  M.I. 

i.  101,  207). 

Kalabsheh 

Granite  statue  and  block 

(B.E.  307). 

Kuban 

Inscription 

(My.  E.  538). 

Dakkeh 

Inscription 

(S.N.  136). 

Korti 

Stone  and  foundation 

(L.L.  124). 

Amadah 
>» 

Scene 
Gate  and  lintel 

(L.D.  iii.  45). 
(L.D.  iii.  65  b,  c). 

Ellesiyeh 

Scenes 

(L.D.  iii.    45   d,  f, 

46  a). 

>> 

Stele,  42nd  year 

(L.D.  iii.  45  e). 

Ibrim 

Two  rock  shrines 

(C.N.  79-84). 

Wady  Haifa 

S.  brick  temple 

(B.E.  341). 

Semneh 

Temple 

(L.D.  iii.  47~56)- 

Kummeh 

Temple 

(L.D.   iii.  57-59  a, 

64  b). 

Sai  (20°  42'  N.) 

Temple 

(L.D.  iii.  59  b,  c). 

Dosheh(2o°3o'N. 

)  Rock  shrine 

(L.D.  Hi.  59  d,  e). 

Soleb 

Temple  begun. 

Bahriyeh  Oasis 

Stele 

(B.E.  348). 

Statues  and  portraits — 

Seated  limestone  colossus,  base  of  throne, 

Karnak 

Head  of  colossus,  granite,  B.  Mus. 
Standing,  red  granite,  Karnak 
Seated,  black  granite,  Karnak 
Seated,  black  and  white  diorite,  T.  Mus. 
Seated,  grey  granite,  Nubia,  F.  Mus. 
Torso  Abydos 

Throne  Abydos 

Seated,  black  granite,  Alexandria. 
Torso,  behind  temple,  Karnak 
Torso  in  small  temple  of  Apet,  Karnak 
Fragments  Luxor 

Bust,  red  granite,  Karnak 


(M.K.  38  d). 

(R.A.i25;V.G.202). 
(V.G.  214). 
(L.T.  1376). 
(S.  Cat.  F.  1503). 
(M.A.  348). 
(M.A.  ii.  21  e,  f). 

(W.G.  358). 
(B.E.  150). 
(W.G.  358). 
(V.G.  192). 


B.C.  J503-I4490 


TAHUTIMES  III 


99 


Bronze  statue,  Marseille. 


Statues  mentioned  by  Tahutmes  IV. 

(M.K.  33). 

,,                 ,,            Neb'ua'iu 

(M.A.  ii.  33). 

Sphinxes,  red  granite,  Karnak 

(V.G.  221-2,  M.K. 

32  b). 

Figure  on  wooden  canon  board,  B.  Mus. 

(A.B.  33,  148). 

Trial  piece                                         T.  Mus. 

(L.D.  iii.  304). 

Stele,  with  Min                                T.  Mus. 

(L.T.  1460). 

,,      in  temple,  Uazmes               G.  Mus. 

(M.E.  ii.). 

Altar,  red  granite,  high                  B.  Mus. 

(A.B.  34). 

,,      another  still  at  Karnak 

(W.G.  366). 

,  ,             ,  ,                                        Vatican 

(Vat.  Cat.  p.  215). 

,,      dedicated  to  Amen              Salonika 

(A.Z.  vi.  79). 

,,       red  granite 

(M.K.  32  b;   V.G. 

211). 

,,      alabaster 

(M.B.  98). 

Alabaster  vase  of  9  bins                 T.  Mus. 

(L.T.  3224). 

T.  Mus. 

(Rec.  iv.  137). 

,      of  21  bins                B.  Mus. 

(V.G.  446). 

,      2                               G.  Mus. 

(V.G.  702). 

,     3                              Berlin 

(W.G.  367). 

,      P.  Mus.  Leyden,  B.  Mus. 

(C.M.     425,     R.C. 

62,  6). 

Glass  vases                                   {B'  Mus' 

(Ms.  A.  fig.  220). 
(C.M.  425). 

Ivory  tablets                                       Marseille. 

Wooden  labels  of  princesses 

(A.Z.  xxi.  123). 

Feather  of  Amen                             T.  Mus. 

(W.G.  368). 

Fish-shaped  cup  glazed  green      G.  Mus. 

(Ms.  G.  124). 

Scribe's  palette                                Bologna. 

Papyri,                                                T.  Mus. 

(i,  83  B). 

,,                                                     Berlin 

(L.D.  vi.  117  b,  c). 

,,                                                     Munich 

(W.G.  368). 

Rings  and  scarabs,  innumerable. 

Gold  ring  (Ashburnham) 

(R.  Soc.  Lit.  1843, 

108). 

Queens — MERYT-RA  HATSHEPSET — 
Sphinx,  Baracco  Coll. 
Temple,  Medinet  Habu 


Tombs  \ 

Scarabs,  P.  Mus.,  T.  Mus. 
NEBTU 


(A.Z.  xx.  118). 
(L.D.    iii.   38  a,  b; 

C.M.  195,  3). 
(L.D.  iii.  62  a). 
(L.D.  iii.  63  a,  64  a). 
(C.M.  160). 
(M.A.  ii.  40  n). 
(Rec.ix,97;  B.R.P. 

xii.). 


MEN-KHEPER-RA 


[DYN.  XVIII.  6. 


(B.R.P.  xii.). 
(A.Z.  xxi.  124). 


Son— Amenhotep  II.  (L.D.  Hi.  62,64). 

Daughters  (?)— Taui  .... 

Ta'kheta 

Pefahirha 

Pet'pui  Ta'khet'aui 

Meryt'ptah 

Sat'hora 

Neferamen 

Ua*ay 

Henut'anu 

In  dealing  with  this  reign,  which  is  the  fullest  in  the 
history  of  Egypt,  it  may  be  best  to  examine  it  in  the 
following  order — 

(ist)  Outline  of  the  dated  events  and  monuments; 

(2nd)  Translation  of  the  annals. 

(3rd)  The  greater  monuments. 

(4th)  The  lesser  monuments. 


5th 
6th 
7th 


The  private  monuments. 

The  royal  family. 

The  influence  of  Syria  on  Egypt. 


The   details    of   the    geography 
appear  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


of   the   campaigns 


I.  OUTLINE  OF  THE  DATED  EVENTS. 

Born  at  Thebes  (see  gold  ring, 
P.P.  Coll.). 

ist  year,  Pakhons  4.  Corona- 
tion, at  about  9  years  old. 

2nd  year,  Paophi  7.  This  earliest 
dating  is  that  of  a  grand  list  of 
gifts  to  the  temple  of  Semneh, 
which  had  been  in  progress  under 
the  father  and  brother  of  this  king. 

5th  year,  Thoth  i.  A  papyrus  at 
Turin  is  dated  thus,  concerning  a 
scribe  User'amen  going  to  offer  in 
the  temple  of  Amen  (Pap.  T.  i). 

1 5th  year,  Pakhons  27  is  named 
as  the  day  of  a  great  festival  of  renewing  the  offerings 
in  the  temple  at  Karnak  (M.K.  15). 


FIG.  48.  Gold  ring  of 
Tahutraes  III. ,  "  born 
at  Thebes."  Gurob, 
F,P.  Coll. 


B.C.  1503-M49.]      OUTLINE  OF  THE  DATED  EVENTS        tor 

22nd  year.  Renewing  the  statue  of  Amenhotep  I. 
(M.K.  38,  c.  2). 

22nd  year,  Mekhir  4  (about).  Death  of  Hatshepsut ; 
beginning  of  independent  reign  of  Tahutmes  III. 

22nd  year,  Pharmuthi.  The  army  assembled  on  the 
frontier  at  Zalu,  for  the  first  campaign.  The  chiefs  in 
southern  Syria  had  rebelled  some  time  before. 

23rd  year,  Pakhons  4,  on  his  coronation  day, 
Tahutmes  found  himself  in  Gaza  ;  having  marched  in 
twelve  days  about  160  miles,  a  rapid  march  for  a  large 
army  wholly  untrained  in  such  movements.  On  the 
next  day  he  left.  Ten  days  later  he  had  marched  90 
miles  farther,  to  Carmel.  There  he  rested  for  a  few 
days,  and  then  he  insisted  on  crossing  the  mountain  by 
a  dangerous  ravine,  in  which  he  acted  as  guard  to 
secure  the  passage  of  the  army,  which  defiled  through 
safely  by  i  p.m.  Resting  that  afternoon,  he  then  early 
next  morning  gave  battle  to  the  assembled  chiefs  of 
Syria  who  were  confederated  at  Megiddo,  and  utterly 
routed  them  in  the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  or  Armageddon. 
They  fled  into  the  town,  round  which  he  at  once  threw 
a  complete  circumvallation,  only  allowing  prisoners  to 
surrender  at  one  entrance.  The  whole  of  the  enemy 
capitulated,  and  enormous  spoils  were  taken  from  them, 
and  from  the  rest  of  Syria.  A  stele  was  set  up  this 
year  at  Wady  Haifa  recording  the  victories  over  the 
Fenekhu,  Retennu,  and  Tahennu  (B.E.  341). 

24th  year.  The  second  campaign  in  Syria  brought 
in  great  spoils.  On  Mekhir  30  was  a  feast  of  dedica- 
tion £t  Karnak  (M.K.  12).  Mention  of  the  new  moon. 

25th  year.  The  third  campaign  in  Syria.  Large 
collection  of  plants  brought  from  land  of  Retennu, 
and  carved  on  walls  at  Karnak  (M.K.  31).  Stele  of 
Sarbut  el  Khadem,  copper  mining  (L.D.  iii.  29  a). 

27th  year.     Stele  at  Sarbut  el  Khadem. 

28th  year.  Tomb  of  Amenemhat  at  Qurneh  (L.D 
iii.  38  e-g). 

29th  year.  Fifth  campaign  to  Retennu  (Syrian  hill- 
country), -Tunep,  Arvad,  and  Zahi ;  great  spoil  from 
Phoenicia. 


102 


TAHUTIMES  III 


[DYN.  XVIH  6. 


30th  year.  Sixth  campaign  to  Kedesh,  Simyra,  and 
Arvad. 

3ist  year.  Tribute  of  Retennu,  of  Punt,  and  of 
Wawat. 

33rd  year.  Set  up  tablet  at  boundaries  in  Naharina. 
Tribute  of  Retennu,  Sangar,  Khita,  Punt,  and  Wawat. 
Tablet  at  El  Bersheh,  2nd  Mesore.  Sed  festival,  28th 
Epiphi. 


FIG.  49.-— Tahutmes  III.,  granite  head.     Brit.  Mus. 

34th  year.  Campaign,  and  tribute  of  Zahi  (Phoe- 
nicia), Retennu,  Asi  (Cyprus). 

35th  year.  Tenth  campaign,  to  Zahi.  Spoils  of 
Naharina. 

38th  year.  Thirteenth  campaign.  Spoils  of  Anau- 
gasa  ;  tribute  of  Asi,  Punt,  and  Wawat. 

39th  year.     Fourteenth  campaign  in  Syria. 

4oth  year  (?).     Tribute  of  Asi,  Kush,  Wawat. 

4 ist  year  (?).     Tribute  of  Rutennu  and  Khita. 


B.C.  1503-1449.]         OUTLINE  OF  THE  DATED  EVENTS      103 

42nd  year.  Campaign  to  Tunep,  Qedesh.  Erection 
of  long-  inscription  at  Karnak.  Erection  of  statue  to 
Tahutmes  II.  (M.K.  38  b). 

47th  year.    Stele  at  Heliopolis.     Berlin  (L.D.  iii.  29  b). 

5oth  year.  Expedition  to  Ethiopia.  Clearing  of 
canal  of  the  cataract  (Rec.  xiii.  203). 

5ist  year,  Pauni  5.     Stele  at  Ellesiyeh  (Br.  H.  395). 

54th  year,  Phamenoth  30.  Tahutmes  died  at  about 
63  years  old.  Succeeded  by  his  son,  Amenhotep  II. 

II.  TRANSLATION  OF  THE  ANNALS. 

The  annals  of  this  king  are  considerable,  and  they 
give  a  most  graphic  view  of  the  state  of  Syria,  and  the 
wealth  and  luxury  of  the  inhabitants,  at  this  age. 
Every  allusion  in  them  is  of  value;  and  in  the. first 
campaign,  which  had  the  delight  of  new-found  power 
about  it,  the  details  are  very  full,  and  show  the  character 
of  Egyptian  warfare.  The  geography  of  these  cam- 
paigns will  be  treated  afterwards  at  the  end  of  this 
volume. 

In  the  following  translation  the  only  restorations 
are  such  as  are  necessarily  involved  by  the  sense,  and 
they  are  always  marked  by  square  parentheses  [  ], 
while  explanatory  additions  are  in  curved  parentheses. 
The  numbers  of  the  original  lines  of  the  text  are  marked 
for  ease  of  reference  to  the  inscription. 

(L.D.  iii.  31  b.) 

(3)  "  His  Majesty  ordered  to  be  placed  [the  victories 
which  his  father  Amen  had  given  to  him,  upon]  (4)  a 
tablet  in  the  temple  which  His  Majesty  made  for  [his 
father  Amen,  recording]  (5)  the  expedition  by  its  name, 
together  with  the  spoil  [which  His  Majesty  had  obtained 
by  it  in]  (°)  every  [country]  which  his  father  Amen  had 
given  him. 

The  campaign.  The  25th  day  of  the  month  Phar- 
muthi  in  the 

XXIInd  year  of  his  reign,  [His  Majesty]  proceeded  from 
the  city  (7)  ot  Zalu  in  his  first  campaign  of  victory  .  .   , 


104 


TAHUTIMES  III 


[DYN.  XVIIL  6. 


!fo  extend]  the  (8)  frontiers  of  Egypt  with  might  .  ,  . 
9,  10)  [the  land  had  been  in  confusion]  .  .  .  (n)  the  men 
who  were  there  (12)  in  the  city  of  Sharuhen  (in  Simeon), 
beginning  from  Yeruza  (1S)  as  far  as  the  ends  of  the 
country  they  rebelled  against  His  Majesty.  On  the  4th 
of  Pakhons  of  the 
XXIIIrd.  year,  the  day  of  the  festival  of  the  royal 


FIG.  50. — Map  of  approach  to  Megiddo.  Yehem,  Megiddo,  and  Taanaka 
are  certain.  Arareh  is  probably  Aaruna,  and  Wady  Arab  the  line  of 
Tahutmes'  approach.  Neither  Zebdeh  nor  Zeita  appear  to  agree  with 
Zifta,  which  was  probably  west  of  Megiddo. 

coronation  (M)  at  Gazatu  (Gaza),  the  city  occupied  by 
the  king.  (16)  On  the  5th  of  Pakhons  he  started 
from  this  place  in  triumph  [power],  (w)  defence,  and 
justification  to  overthrow  the  vile  enemy,  to  extend  (17) 
the  bounds  of  Egypt  according  to  the  command  of  his 
father  Amen* Ra. 

The  passage  of  CarmeL      (18)  On  the  i6th    Pakhons 
of  the  XXIIIrd  year,  at  the  fortress  of  Yehem  (Yemma, 


B.C.  1503-1449- ]  ANNALS 


105 


16  m.  S.S.W.  of  Megiddo)  r  commanded  His  Majesty 
(19)  a  discourse  with  his  brave  troops,  saying 

"That  [vile]  enemy  (20)  of  Qadesh  has  come  and 
.entered  Maketa  (Megiddo)  ;  he  is  [there]  (21)  at  this 
foment,  and  has  collected  to  himself  the  chiefs  of  all 
countries  (that  were)  (22)  obedient  to  Egypt,  with  him 
as  far  as  Naharaina,  consisting  of  ...  (2S)  the  Kharu 
(Syrians),  the  Qedshu,  their  horses  and  their  army  (24), 
and  he  says,  '  I  shall  remain  [to  fight  the  king  of  Egypt] 
in  Maketa/  Tell  ye  me  .  ..."  (2G)  They  said  in 
reply  to  His  Majesty,  "  What  is  it  like  [that  we]  should 
march  on  this  road,  (27)  which  becomes  a  narrow  pass  ? 
[men  have  come]  saying  (28)  that  the  enemy  are  waiting 
to  [attack  when  there  is  no]  (29)  passage  for  a  numerous 
host;  does  not  one  (chariot)  horse  have  to  follow 
behind  [the  fellow,  and  man  behind]  (30)  man  likewise  ? 
ought  our  vanguard  to  be  engaged  while  our  rearguard 
is  waiting  (32)  in  Aaruna  (Ararah?  7  S.W.  of  Megiddo) 
without  fighting.  Now  there  are  two  roads,  (33)  one 
road  behold  it  [will  lead]  us  [to  the  .  .  .]  (34)  Taanaka 
(Tannuk,  5  S.  of  Megiddo),  the  other  behold  it  [leads 
us  to]  the  (;i5)  north  side  of  Zefta,  and  we  should  come 
out  at  the  north  of  Maketa  (3C).  Let  then  our  mighty 
lord  march  on  one  of  those  [two]  ways,  [which  ever] 
his  heart  [chooseth],  (37)  but  let  us  not  go  on  that 
difficult  road." 

Then  [went]  (38)  the  messengers  [whom  the  king 
sent  to  give  his  commands]  for  the  disposition  of  [his 
army];  (39)  they  said  at  the  beginning  of  the  speeches  : — 
"  The  Majesty  of  the  king  saith,  '  As  I  live,  (40)  as  I  am 
the  beloved  of  Ra,  praised  by  my  father  Amen,  as  my 
nostrils  are  refreshed  with  (41)  life  and  strength,  I  will 
go  on  this  road  of  (42)  Aaruna  ;  let  him  of  you  who  will, 
go  on  (43)  the  roads  ye  name  ;  and  let  him  of  you  who 
will,  follow  my  Majesty.  (44)  For  they — namely,  the 
enemy,  (45)  abominated  of  Ra — consider  thus,  "Has  His 
Majesty  gone  on  (46)  another  road  ?  Then  he  fears  us," 
thus  do  they  consider.*  " 

(4T)  They  said  to  His  Majesty,  "As  lives  thy  father 
Amen-Ra,  lord  of  the  thrones  of  the  two  lands,  who 


io6  TAHUTIMES  III  CWN.  xvm.  6. 

dwells  in  Thebes,  who  has  made  thee,  (48)  behold  we; 
follow  thy  Majesty  whithersoever  thy  Majesty  goes,  (49) 
even  as  servants  follow  [their  master], " 

(50)  Command  was  given  to  the  whole  army  to  ... 
[follow]  (51)  .  .  .  that  road  which  became  [narrow. 
His  Majesty  swore]  (52)  an  oath,  saying,  "Not  a  man 
[shall  go  forth]  (53)  before  my  Majesty  in  ...  [54]  he 
shall  go  forth  before  his  own  troops  causing  Ic  per- 
ceive .  .  .  (55)  by  his  paces  of  marching,  horse  walking 
after  [horse],  while  [His  Majesty  protects  them]  (56)  of 
the  best  of  his  army."  On  the  i9th  of  Pakhons  of  the 
XXIIIrd  year  of  his  reign,  watch  in  ...  (57)  at  the 
king's  pavilion  at  the  fortress  of  Aaruna.  My  Majesty 
proceeded  (58)  northward  with  my  father  Amen'Ra,  lord 
of  the  thrones  of  the  two  lands  (59)  .  .  .  before  me, 
Harakhti  [strengthening  my  arms].  (60)  .  .  .  my 
father  Amen,  lord  of  the  thrones  of  the  world,  vic- 
torious of  scimetar,  .  .  .  [watching]  (61)  over  me : 
went  forth  [the  enemy  .  .  .  ]  (62)  with  much  music 
.  .  .  (63)  the  southern  wing  from  Taanaka  .  .  .  (64) 
the  northern  wing  from  the  south  corner  .  .  .  (°5)  His 
Majesty  cried  out  at  them  [and  gave  battle]  (66)  they 
fell,  behold  that  vile  .  .  .  (two  lines  lost)  [but  some  of 
the  enemy  went  toward] 

(L.D.  iii.  32.) 

(l)  Aaruna ;  [behold]  the  rearguard  of  the  valiant 
troops  of  His  Majesty  .  .  .  [were  yet  in]  (2)  Aaruna  ; 
while  the  van  was  going  forth  to  the  valley  .  .  . 

(3)  and  occupied  the  head  (or  hollow)  of  that  valley, 
and  behold  they  spake  before   His   Majesty,  saying, 

(4)  "  Behold  His  Majesty  has  gone  out  with  his  valiant 
soldiers,  and  [they]  have  occupied  the  [head  (or  hollow) 
of]  (:>)  the  valley,  let  our  powerful  lord  listen  to  us  this 
time,  (6)  let  our  lord  keep  for  us  the  rear  of  his  army 
and  the  people ;   (7)  then  when  the  rear  of  our  army 
comes  out  to  us  behind,  they  will  fight  (8)  against  these 
foreigners,  and  we  need  not  give  thought  for  the  rear 
of  (9)  our   army."      His  Majesty  halted   beyond  them 


B.C.  1503-1449-]  ANNALS  107 

himself  (10)  there  guarding  the  rear  of  his  valiant 
troops ;  behold,  when  the  van  (nj  had  come  forth 
on  this  road  the  shadow  turned,  (12)  and  when  His 
Majesty  came  to  the  south  of  Maketa  on  the  edge  of 
the  water  of  Qina,  it  was  the  seventh  hour  of  the 
day  (?).  Then  His  Majesty's  [great]  tent  was  pitched, 
and  command  was  given  before  his  whole  army,  saying, 
"  Prepare  ye,  make  ready  your  weapons,  for  we  move 
to  fight  with  the  vile  enemy  to-morrow,  for  the  king 
[will  remain]  (13)  quiet  in  the  tent  of  the  king,"  the 
baggage  of  the  chiefs  was  prepared  and  the  provisions 
of  the  followers,  and  the  sentinels  of  the  army  were 
spread  abroad;  they  said,  "Firm  of  heart,  firm  of 
heart,  watchful  of  head,  watchful  of  head,"  waking  in 
life  at  the  tent  of  the  king.  Came  one  to  report  to  His 
Majesty,  the  country  is  safe  and  the  army  south  and 
north  likewise. 

The  battle  of  Megiddo.  On  the  2ist  day  of  the 
month  Pakhons,  the  day  of  the  feast  of  the  new  moon, 
even  the  same  as  the  royal  coronation,  early  in  the 
morning  command  was  given  to  the  entire  army  to 
spread  abroad  .  .  .  (14)  His  Majesty  went  forth  in 
his  chariot  of  electrum  adorned  with  his  weapons  of 
war,  like  Horus  armed  with  talons,  the  Lord  of  might, 
like  Mentu  of  Thebes,  his  father  AmeirRa  strengthen- 
ing his  arms  ;  the  [south]  horn  of  the  army  of  His 
Majesty  was  ...  on  a  hill  at  the  south  [of  the  water 
of]  Qina,  the  north  horn  at  the  north-west  of  Maketa, 
His  Majesty  was  in  the  midst  of  them,  the  god  Amen 
being  the  protection  to  his  body  [and  strength]  (16)  to  his 
limbs.  Then  His  Majesty  prevailed  over  them  at  the 
head  of  his  army.  When  they  saw  His  Majesty  pre- 
vailing over  them,  they  fled  headlong  [toward]  Maketa, 
as  if  terrified  by  spirits  ;  they  left  their  horses,  and 
their  chariots  of  silver  and  of  gold,  and  were  drawn  up 
by  hauling  them  by  their  clothes  into  this  city,  for  the 
men  shut  the  gates  of  this  city  upon  them,  [and  let 
down]  (1G)  clothes,  to  haul  them  up  to  this  city.  Then, 
had  but  the  troops  of  His  Majesty  not  given  their  hearts 
to  spoiling  the  things  of  the  enemy,  [they  would  have 


io£  TAHUTIMES  III  CDVN.  xvm.  6. 

taken]  Maketa  at  that  moment ;  behold  the  vile  6nemy 
of  Qadeshu  and  the  vile  enemy  of  this  city  were  drawn 
up  in  haste  to  get  them  into  their  city.  The  fear  of 
His  Majesty  entered  (17)  [their  hearts],  their  arms  failed  ; 
.  .  .  his  diadem  prevailed  over  them.  Their  horses 
and  their  chariots  of  gold  and  of  silver  were  captured, 
being  [taken]  suddenly  .  .  .  their  mighty  men  lay  along 
like  fishes  on  the  ground.  The  great  army  of  His  Majesty 
drew  round  to  count  their  spoil.  Behold  the  tent  [of 
the  wretchled  [enemy]  was  captured,  [in]  which  [was  his] 
son  .  .  .  f18)  The  whole  army  rejoiced,  giving  praise 
to  Amen  [for  the  victory]  that  he  had  given  to  his  son, 
[and  they  glorified]  His  Majesty,  exalting  his  victories. 
They  brought  the  spoil  which  they  had  taken,  of  hands 
(of  the  slain),  of  living  captives,  of  horses,  of  chariots 
of  gold  and  of  silver  .  .  . 

The  siege  of  Megiddo.  (10)  [And  His  Majesty  gave] 
commands  to  his  troops,  saying,  "If  ye  seize  Maketa 
afterward  (?),  [I  vow  great  offerings  to]  Ra  this  day, 
inasmuch  as  every  chief  of  all  the  countries  [who  have] 
rebelled  are  in  it,  so  that  it  is  as  the  capture  of  a 
thousand  cities  this  capture  of  Maketa  ;  seize  ye  utterly 
entirely  at  [this  mome]nt  [on  Maketa  (20)  .  .  .  officers 
of  the  troops,  to  each  one  was  appointed  his  place, 
they  measured  the  city  ...  a  rampart  formed  with 
the  green  wood  of  all  their  pleasant  trees.  His  Majesty  •- 
himself  was  at  the  eastern  tower  of  this  city,  [and  he 
commanded  (21)  to  surround  it]  with  a  thick  wall  .  .  . 
the  thick  wall  [was  built],  and  it  was  named  Men* 
kheperTa*aah'setu(Tahutmes  III.,  encloser  of  the  Sati); 
and  men  were  set  to  watch  over  the  tent  of  His  Majesty, 
and  they  said,  "  Steady,  steady,  watch,  watch,  .  .  ." 
His  Majesty  [then  gave  orders  that  (22)  not  one]  of 
them  [shall  go]  outside  from  behind  this  wall  excepting 
to  come  forth  to  knock  at  the  doors  of  their  gate  (none 
should  escape  except  those  who  delivered  themselves 
up  as  prisoners  at  the  entrance).  Now,  all  that  His 
Majesty  did  against  this  city,  and  against  the  vile 
enemy  and  his  vile  troops,  was  written  from  day  to  day 
under  its  date,  under  the  title  of  "  Travels  .  *  .  (23) 


ANNALS 


109 


[and]  placed  on  a  roll  of  leather  in  the  temple  of  Amen 
on  this  day. 

The  capitulation  of  Megiddo.  Then  the  chiefs  of 
this  land  came,  with  them 
that  pertained  to  them, 
to  smell  the  ground  to 
the  spirits  of  His  Majesty, 
asking  breath  for  theif 
nostrils  of  the  greatness 
of  his  power  and  the 
mightiness  of  the  spirits 
of  His  Majesty  (24)  .  .  . 
came  to  his  spirits  having 
their  tribute  of  silver,  of 
gold,  of  lazuli  and  mala- 
chite ;  bringing  corn,  wine, 
oil,  and  flocks,  for  the 
army  of  His  Majesty  ;  and 
sent  the  foreign  workmen 
who  were  among  them 


FIG.  51.— Chiefs  ''smelling  the 
ground." 


with   the  tribute  southwards  (see  chief  of  Tunep  and 


FIG.  52. — Chief  of  Tunep,  followed  by  his  artist  (se'ankk, 
1 '  he  who  makes  alive  ")  bearjng  a  trophy  of  gold  work.' 
The  chief  of  Kedesh  with  a  vase  and  a  dagger. 

his  artist).     His  Majesty  appointed  chiefs  anew  (to  rule 
the  land). 

The  spoils.     [And  this  is  the  account  (2&)  of  the  spoil 


I  io  TAHUTIMES  III  [DYN.  xvm.  6. 

taken  in  the  field,  even]  living1  captives  340,  hands 
(of  slain)  83,  mares  2041,  fillies  191,  abor,  6  ... 
one  chariot  worked  with  gold,  with  a  pole  (?)  of  gold  of 


FIG.  53. — Syrian  chariot. 

that  enemy,  a  good  chariot  plated  with  gold  of  the 
chief  of  .  .  .  [and  30  chariots  of  other  princes?],  (2G) 
892  chariots  of  his  vile  army,  total,  924.  One  excellent 
suit  of  bronze  armour  of  that  enemy,  a  bronze  suit  of 
armour  of  the  chief  of  Maketa,  200  suits  of  armour  of 
his  vile  army,  502  bows,  7  poles  of  the  pavilion  of  that 
enemy  of  meru-wood  plated  with  silver.  Behold  the 
army  .  .  .  [took](27)  .  .  .  297,  bulls  1929,  small 
goats  2000,  white  flocks  (sheep)  20,500. 

The  plunder  and  tribute  of  Syria.  The  amount  of 
things  taken  afterwards  by  the  king  from  the  things  of 
tjfte  house  of  that  enemy,  which  was  in  Yenuamu,  in 
Anaugasa,  and  in  Harnekaru,  with  all  the  things  of  the 
cities  and  the  fortresses  which  gave  themselves  up  to 
his  rule  and  brought  .  ,  .  (28)  .  .  .  Meruina  belonging 
to  them,  39  ;  sons  of  that  enemy  and  of  the  chiefs  with 
him,  87  ;  meruina  belonging  to  them,  5  ;  slaves,  male 
and  female,  with  their  children,  1796;  rion-combatants 
who  came  all  of  starvation  from  that  enemy,  103 
persons :  total  2503.  Beside,  there  was  of  precious 


•B.C.  IS03-I449-] 


ANNALS 


wares,  gold,   dishes,  various  vessels,  (29)  ...  a  two- 
handled  vase  of  the  work  of  the  Kharu  .  .  .  dishes, 


FiG.  54.— Syrian  captives 
with  vases. 


FIG.  55.— Syrian  dishes. 


caldrons,  and  various  vases  for  drinking,  great  jars,  97 
knives  :  making  altogether  1784  deben  (360  Ibs.).  Gold 
in  rings,  found  in  the  hands  of  the  workmen,  and  silver 
in  various  rings,  966  deben  i  qedt  (200  Ibs.).  A  silver 
statue  made  .  .  .  (30)  the  head  of  gold,  the  staff  with 
human  heads  of  ivory,  ebony,  and  kharub  wood  inlaid 


FIG.  56.— Staff 
with  human 
head. 


FIG.  57.— Chair. 


^\\YVfflytijjj>|M/jw/y/' 

I       I 

FIG.  58.— Inlaid  table. 


with  gold  ;  chairs  of  that  enemy,  6  ;  footstools  belong- 
ing to  them,  6 ;  6  large  tables  of  ivory  and  kharub 
wood,  inlaid  with  gold  and  all  precious  stones  ;  a  staff 
used  as  the  sceptre  of  that  chief,  inlaid  with  gold 


112  TAHUTIMES  III  £DYN.  xvm. & 

throughout  .  .  .  statues  (31)  Of  the  fallen  chief,  of  ebony 
inlaid  with  gold ;  .  .  .  vessels  of  bronze ;  various 
clothing  of  the  enemy.  When  the  land  was  divided 
into  fields  and  calculated  by  the  inspector  of  the  king's 
house,  in  order  to  take  their  harvest,  the  amount  of  the 
harvest  brought  to  His  Majesty  from  the  fields  of 
Maketa  (the  plain  of  Esdraelon)  was  280,500  quadruple 
heqt  of  corn  (150,000  bushels,  about  10  square  miles  of 
corn  land),  (32)  beside  what  was  cut  as  taken  by  His 
Majesty's  soldiers. 

Annual  tributes.     The  tribute  of  the   chiefs   of  the 
Ruten  in  the 

XXIVth  year,  tribute  of  the  chief  of  Assuru,  one 
great  stone  of  real  lazuli  weighing  20  deben  9 
qedt  (4^  Ibs.),  two  stones  of  real  lazuli  and  small 
stones  making  30  deben ;  total,  50  •  deben  9  qedt 
(ioj  Ibs.)  of  good  lazuli  of  Bebra.  Three  hertet 
(agate  ?)  vases  of  Assuru  of  [various]  colours  .  .  .  (3S) 
very  many.  The  tribute  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Retennu, 
the  daughter  of  a  chief,  ornaments  of  silver,  gold, 
lazuli,  of  the  foreigners,  ...  30  ;  the  slaves,  male  and 
female,  of  his  tribute,  65  ;  30  [meruina]  belonging  [to 
them] ;  4  chariots  wrought  with  gold,  the  poles  of 
gold  ;  5  chariots  wrought  with  electrum,  the  poles  of 
aget)  total  10.  Tepau  and  undu  oxen  55,  bulls  749, 
small  cattle  5703.  Gold  dishes  .  .  .  (34)  which  could— 
not  be  measured,  silver  dishes  and  pieces,  104  d.  5  q. 
(21  Ibs.) ;  a  gold  maqersina  inlaid  with  lazuli ; 


FIG.  59. — Golden  dish  from  FIG.    60. — Jar  of 

Syria.  wine  or  honey. 

bronze  armour  inlaid  with  gold  k  .•  .  many  suits  of 
armour,  (35)  823  jars  of  incense,  1718  jars  of  wine  anfl 
honey  «  .  .  ivory  an<jl  kharub-wood,  mem-wood, 


ANNALS 


113 


pesqu-wood,  .  .  .  various  of  this  country  .  .  .  (36)  to 
every  place  which  His  Majesty  visited  and  where  his 
tent  was  set  up. 

(L.A.  xii,  ;  Rev.  Arch.  1860,  PL  xvi.) 

(J)  XXIXth  year  ;  behold  His  Majesty  was  in  the  land 
[of  Rutennu]  to  chastise  the  revolted  countries  in  his 
Vth  campaign  of  victory.  The  king  took  the  city  of 
Ua  .  .  .  the  army  congratulated  the  king,  and  gave 
thanks  (2)  to  Amen'Ra  for  the  victories  which  he  had 
given  to  his  son,  which  the  king  valued  above  all 
else.  After  this  His  Majesty  proceeded  to  the  store* 
house  of  offerings,  he  offered  a  sacrifice  to  Amen,  to 
Horakhti,  of  oxen,  bullocks,  fowls,  .  .  .  Men'kheperra, 
giving  life  for  ever.  Reckoning  of  the  spoil  taken  from 
this  city  :< — 

Spoil  of  Ua  .  .  .  From  the  officers  (?)  (a)  of  the 
fallen  of  Tunep,  the  prince  of  this 
city,  i,  warriors  329,  silver  100  deben 
(20  Ibs.),  gold  100  deben ;  lazuli, 
malachite,  vases  of  bronze  and  of 
copper ;  behold  they  seized  a  ship 
.  .  .  laden  with  all  things,  male 
and  female  slaves,  copper,  lead, 
emery,  (4)  and  all  sorts  of  good 
things. 

Then  His  Majesty  proceeded  south 
to  Egypt  .  .  .  delighted  in  heart. 
He  smote  the  city  of  Aruta  (Arvad) 
with  its  corn,  and  cut  down  all  its  pleasant  trees. 
Behold  [His  Majesty]  found  [the  land  of]  Zahi  through- 
out, its  orchards  full  of  their  fruit.  There  were 
found  (5)  their  wines  abundant  in  their  wine-presses,  as 
water  flows  down  ;  their  corn  was  on  the  threshing 
floors  .  .  .  more  abundant  than  the  sand  of  the  shores. 
The  army  was  satiated  with  their  shares.  The 
reckoning  of  the  spoil  brought  to  His  Majesty  in  this 
expedition  : — 

Spoil  of  Phoenicia.      Male   and   female    slaves    51, 
ii — 8 


FIG.  61. — Copper  vase 
from  Syria. 


TAHUTIMES  III 


CDVN.  XVHI.  6, 


horses  40,  silver  cups    10,  (6)   incense   of  honey  men 
vases    470,    wine    men    vases    6428  ;     copper,     lead, 

lazuli,  green  felspar;  oxen 
6  1  8,  goats  3636  ;  good 
bread,  and  various  bread, 
corn  in  grain,  flour,  .  .  . 
and  all  good  fruits  of  the 
land.  Then  the  soldiers 
of  His  Majesty  were 
drunk  and  anointed  with 
**?  ^  ^very  day,  (7)  as  in 
the  festivals  in  Egypt. 


FIG.  62.-Cups  from  Syria. 


XXXth  year.  Then  His  Majesty  was  in  the  land  of 
the  Rutennu  in  his  Vlth  campaign  of  victory.  He 
drew  near  to  the  city  of  Qedeshu  ;  His  Majesty  spoiled 

it,  and  cut  down  the  trees 
and   reaped  its  corn.      He 
went   to  the   land  of  ... 
tu,   he   came   to   the  town 
of  Zamara,  and  came  to  the 
town  of  Arathetu  (Arvad), 
and    treated   them    in   like 
FIG.  63. —Scarab  of  Tahutmes  III.     manner.      The    amount   of 
-Overthrowing  Kedesh."     F.P.      the  Chutes   brought  to  the 

spirits    of  His    Majesty   in 

that  year,  by  the  princes  of  Retennu  : —  "~ 

Tribute  of  Retennu.  The  sons  of  the  princes  and 
their  brothers  were  brought  to  be  placed  as  hostages  in 
Egypt.  If  any  one  of  the  chiefs  died,  His  Majesty 
would  make  his  son  go  to  stand  in  his  place.  The 
number  of  the  sons  of  princes  brought  this  year  was 
.  .  .  persons;  male  and  female  slaves  181,  mares 
1 88,  chariots  (9)  adorned  with  gold  and  silver  and 
painted,  40. 

XXXIst  year,  Pakhons,  3rd  day ;  assembly  of  the 
spoil  made  by  His  Majesty  in  this  year,  and  the  spoil- 
brought  from  the  city  Anrathu,  which  is  on  the  bank 
of  the  water  Neserna  : — men  taken  alive,  490  .  .  . 
of  the  sons  of  the  wretched  chief  of  ...  3  ;  chief  over 
the  women  who  were  there,  I.  Total,  494  persons, 


B.C.  1503-14490  ANNALS  .  115 

mares  26,  chariots  13,  their  equipment  (10)  with  all 
weapons.  Behold  His  Majesty  spoiled  this  town 
in  a  short  hour,  with  swiftness  of  spoiling.  The 
tribute  of  the  princes  of  Retennu,  who  came  to  pro- 
strate themselves  before  the  spirits  of  His  Majesty  in 
this  year : — 

Tribute  of  Retennu.  Male  and  female  slaves  .  .  . 
of  this  country  72,  silver  761  deben  2  qedt  (150  Ibs.), 
19  chariots  adorned  with  silver  (u)  and  provided  with 
their  weapons.  Bulls  and  .  .  .  104,  bullocks  and 
oxen  172  ;  total,  276.  Goats  4622.  Native  copper, 
blocks  40 ;  lead  .  .  .  gold,  copper  earrings  engraved 
with  horses  (?)  42  ;  also  all  their  products  (12)  and  all 
the  good  woods  of  this  country.  Every  station  which 
His  Majesty  came  was  supplied  with  good  bread  and 
common  bread,  with  oil,  incense,  wine,  honey,  fruits, 
more  abundant  than  anything  known  to  the  soldiers  of 
His  Majesty,  without  exaggeration.  (13)  They  are  placed 
on  the  roll  of  the  royal  palace  ;  so  that  their  reckoning 
is  not  given  on  this  tablet,  in  order  to  avoid  a 
multiplication  of  words.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  The  harvest  of  Rutennu  was  reported,  consisting 
of  various  corn,  (14)  wheat  in  grain,  barley,  incense, 
fresh  oil,  wine,  fruit,  all  the  good  things  of  a  foreign 
country.  They  were  demanded  for  the  treasury  as  is 
reckoned  the  tribute  .  .  .  various,  33,  alabaster,  all 
the  gems  of  that  country,  and  various  stones  in  great 
numbers  (15)  of  ...  and  all  the  good  things  of  that 
land; 

His  Majesty  approached  the  Delta,  and  the  ambas- 
sador of  Genbetu  (Punt)  came,  having  their  tribute  of 
frankincense  and  gums  .  .  .  male  negroes  for  ser- 
vants 10,  bulls  and  (1G)  bullocks  113,  bulls  230; 
total,  343  ;  beside  boats  with  ivory,  ebony,  panthers' 
skins,  and  the  products  of  [that  land.  .  .  .  The  tribute 
of  Wawat]  was  ...  of  Wawat.  5  ;  bullocks  31, 
bulls  6 1  ;  total,  92.  (17)  Beside  the  boats  laden  with 
all  the  things  of  that  country,  the  harvest  of  Wawat 
also. 
XXXIIIrd  year,  when  His  Majesty  was  in  the  land  of 


1 16  TAHUTIMES  III  CDYN.  xvm.  6. 

Retennu  .  .  .  [he]  approached  .  .  .  east  of  that  river, 
he  placed  another  (tablet)  where  was  the  tablet  of  his 
father,  (18)  the  king-  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt, 
Aa'kheper*ka*ra.  His  Majesty  went  north,  taking  the 
towns  and  overturning  the  camps  of  that  enemy  of  the 
vile  Naharina  in  ...  [he  pursued]  after  them  for  the 
distance  of  an  atur  without  anyone  daring  to  look 
behind  (l9)  him,  but  they  bounded  along  like  a  herd  of 
gazelles.  The  horses  ...  by  the  whole  army. 
Their  princes  3,  (20)  their  women  30,  men  taken 
prisoners  80,  male  and  female  slaves  and  their  chil- 
dren 606 ;  those  who  surrendered  women  .  .  ;  he 
carried  off  their  grain. 

His  Majesty  then  came  to  the  city  of  (21)  Niy  in  going 
south,  when  His  Majesty  was  returning  and  had  set  up 
his  tablet  in  Naharina,  he  enlarging  the  boundaries  of 
Egypt.  .  .  .  The  tribute  brought  by  princes  of  that 
country : — 

Tribute  of  Naharina,  (22)  Male  and  female  slaves 
513,  mares  260,  gold  45  deben  9  qedt,  silver  vases  of 
the  work  of  Zahi  .  .  .  chariots  with  all  their  equipage, 
bulls  (23)  calves  28,  bulls  564,  goats 
5323,  incense  jars  828,  sweet  beg 
oil  ...  all  the  delicious  produce  of 
that  country  and  all  its  many  fruits. 
Behold  (24)  the  forts  were  provisitmed 
with  all  sorts  of  things  according  to 
the  rate  of  the  yearly  tax.  The 
tribute  of  the  land  of  Remenen  was 
also  according  to  the  rate  of  the 
yearly  tax,  and  the  princes  of  the 

F,G.64.-Silvervase    land  °f  Remenen  .  .      birds  2;  and 
from  Syria.  °ne  does    not   reckon   the   wild   fowl 

(25)    of   that   country.       Behold   they 
were  for  the  .  .  , 

The  tribute  of  the  prince  of  Sangar,  real  lazuli  ...  4 
deben,  artificial  lazuli  24  deben^  lazuli  of  Bebra  .  .  . 
of  real  lazuli,  a  head  of  a  ram  of  real  lazuli,  (2G)  15 
rfeberiy  and  vases. 

The  tribute  of  the  great  Khita  in  this  year  was,  silver. 


D.C.  XS03-X449-] 


ANNALS 


117 


rings   8,  weighing  301  deben  (60  Ibs.),  white  precious 
stones    i    great    block,    zagu    wood 
.  .  .   [when  returning]  toward  Egypt, 
when     coming    from     Naharina    in 
enlarging  the  frontier  of  Egypt. 

The  treasures  brought  by  His 
Majesty  in  that  year  from  the  land  of 
Punt  were  dry  frankincense,  1685 
heqs  (920  bushels)  .  .  .  gold  155  deben  2  qedt  (31 
Ibs.),  male  and  female  slaves  134, "bull  (28)  calves  114, 
bulls  305  ;  total  oxen,  419  ;  beside  transports  laden 
with  ivory,  ebony,  panther  skins,  and  all  the  good 


FIG.  65. — Silver  rings 
from  Syria. 


FIG.  66. — Tribute  from  Punt :  ivory,  panthers'  skins,  ostrich  eggs  and 
feathers,  bags  of  gold  dust,  incense,  etc. 

-things  of  that  land.  .  .  .  [The  tribute  of  Wawat, 
male  and  female  slaves  8],  male  negroes  12  ;  total, 
20:  bull  calves  54,  (2°)  bulls  60;  total,  114:  beside 
boats  laden  with  all  the  good  products  of  that  country, 
and  the  harvest  likewise. 

XXXIVth  year,  behold  His  Majesty  was  in  the  land  of 
Zahi  ,  .  .  the  whole  of  that  land  surrendered.  .  .  . 
The  list  (30)  of  the  places  taken  in  that  year :  cities,  3  ;  a 
city  surrendered  in  the  territory  of  Anaugasa  ;  total, 
4.  Captives  brought  by  His  Majesty  ...  taken 
prisoners,  90 ;  surrendered  with  their  wives  (31)  and 
their  children  .  .  .  mares,  40;  15  chariots  adorned 


i  18  TAHUTIMES  III  CWM.  xvui.  6 

with  gold  and  silver,  gold  vases  and  gold  in  rings,  50 
deben  8  qedt  ;  silver  vases  of  that 
country,  and  rings,  153  deben  ; 
bronze  .  .  .  bull  calves  326,  white 
goats  40,  kids  50,  asses  70,  a  great 
quantity  of  sagu  wood,  (32)  black 
wood,  kharub  wood,  chairs  with 
their  .  .  .  ;  6  poles  for  a  tent 
adorned  with  bronze,  as  if  inlaid 


'VaSe       with  precious  stones  ;  and  all  the 


good  wood  of  that  land. 

The  tribute  of  the  princes  of  the  land  of  Retennu  in 
that  year  was,  horses  .  .  .  chariots  adorned  in  gold, 
silver,  and  colours,  3[4J  ;  male  and  female  slaves,  70(4]  ; 
gold  55  deben  8  qedt,  silver  vases  various  (33)  of 
the  work  of  that  land  .  .  .  men  stone,  all  kinds  of 
gems,  vases,  native  copper  blocks  80  ;  lead,  blocks 
ii  ;  colours,  deben  100  ;  dry  incense,  felspar,  alabaster 
.  .  .  ;  bull  calves  13,  bulls  530,  asses  84  ;  bronze, 
much  wood,  and  many  copper  vases  ;  incense  jars 
69  [5]  ;  (34)  sweet  beq  oil  and  green  beq  oil,  2080  jars  ; 
wine,  608  jars  ;  sagu  wood  chariots,  and  acacia  wood, 
.  .  .  and  all  the  good  wood  of  that  land.  Each  of  the 
stations  of  His  Majesty  was  provided  with  all  kinds  of 
good  things  for  His  Majesty  to  receive  ...  of  the  land 
of'  Zahi,  with  cedar  ;  the  Kefti  boats,  and  the  KajDni 
boats,  and  the  Sektu  boats,  of  their  woods  and  masts, 
(35)  great  beams  for  the  [palace]  of  His  Majesty. 

Tribute  of  the  chiefs  of  the  land  of  Asi  in  that  year  : 
blocks  of  copper  108,  setf-copper  240  deben,  lead  5 
blocks,  ingots  of  lead  1200,  lazuli  no  defyen,  ivory 
tusks  .  .  .  wood  chairs  2. 

The  tribute  of  the  wretched  Kush  :  gold  300  deben  ; 
daughter  of  the  chief  of  Arem  ;  slaves,  male  and 
female,  (30)  total,  64;  [105!  bulls,  calves  170;  total, 
275  >  beside  boats  laden  with  ivory  and  ebony,  and  all 
the  products  of  that  land.  The  harvest  of  the  wretched 
Kush  HJce.wise. 

The  tribute  of  Wawat  was  :  gold  274  deben  ;  negroes, 
male  and  female,  10  ;  bull  calves  .  ,  .  all  the  good 


8,0  is<>3-1449-]  ANNALS  119 

things  of  the  country.  The  harvest  of  Wawat  like- 
wise. 

XXXVth  year.  His  Majesty  was  in  the  land  of  Zahi 
in  his  Xth  campaign.  His  Majesty  approached  the 
city  of  Aroana — for  behold  the  miserable  chief  of 
Naharina  had  assembled  his  cavalry  and  men  .  .  .  (38) 
of  the  ends  of  the  land,  they  were  many  .  .  .  and  they 
made  war  on  His  Majesty.  His  Majesty  met  with 
them.  The  soldiers  of  His  Majesty  made  a  time  of 
attacking  them,  seizing  and  spoiling.  His  Majesty 
prevailed  over  these  foreigners  by  the  spirits  of  his 
father  Amen  .  .  .  (89)  of  Naharina.  They  turned  and 
fell  down  .  .  .  one  upon  another  before  His  Majesty. 
The  number  of  things  taken  by  the  king  himself  of 
these  foreigners  of  Naharina  .  .  .  (40)  Suits  of  armour 
2,  bronze  .  .  .  deben.  The  number 
of  things  taken  by  the  soldiers  of  His 
Majesty  from  these  foreigners :  live 
prisoners  10,  mares  180,  chariots  60, 
.  .  .  (41)  .  .  .  bronze  armour,  bronze 
...  for  the  head  5,  bows  of  Khalu 
5.  The  captures  made  in  ...  (42)  FIG.  68.--Bows  from 
.  .  .  226,  chariot  inlaid  with  gold  yna* 

i,  chariots  inlaid  with  gold  and  silver  20  ...  (4S)  beq 
oil  jars  953  .  .  . 

(L.D.  iif.  31  A  ;  L.A.  xii.  42-44). 

(2)  earrings  (?),  bracelets  (?),  abhat  stone,  stibium, 
.  .  .  antelopes  (?),  wood  for  burning. 

The  work  of  the  vile  Kush,  70  deben  i  qedt  of  gold, 
.  .  .  male  and  female  slaves,  .  .  .  oxen,  boats  laden 
with  ivory  and  ebony,  and  all  the  good  things  of  that 
land  ;  with  the  harvest  of  Kush  in  that  year  ...  34 
negro  slaves  male  and  female,  94  bulls  and  steers, 
beside  boats  laden  with  all  good  things.  The  harvest 
of  Wawat  was  likewise. 

[(4)  XXXVIIIth  year.]  .  .  .  in  his  XII Ith  campaign  of 
victory.  His  Majesty  destroyed  ...  [in  the]  territory 
of  Anaugasa.  The  number  of  the  captives  brought  by 


120 


TAHUTIMES  III 


[DYN. 


the  army  of  His  Majesty  from  the  territory  of  Anau- 
gasa  was  50  living  captives,   horses  .  .  .  ,  3  chariots 
,  .  .  with  their  equipment.     (5)  men  surrendered  of  the 
territory  of  Anaugasa.  .  .  .  The  tribute  brought  to  the 
spirits  of  His  Majesty  in  that  year  was  328  mares,  522 
slaves  male  and  female,  9  chariots  adorned  with  gold 
and  silver,  61  chariots  painted ;  total, 
70.     A  collar  of  real  lazuli  ...  a 
goblet,  dishes,   (6)  heads  of  goats, 
and  head  of  a  lion,  vessels  of  all  the 
work  of  Zahi  .  .   .  [copper?]  2821 
deben  3 J  qedt ;  276  blocks  of  native 
FIG.  69. —Golden  lion's     copper,  26  blocks  of  lead,  656  vases 
head  from  Syria.         of  incense,  3  jars  of  sweet  and  green 
beq  oil,  1752  jars  of  seft,  156  jars  of 
wine,    12  bulls  ...  46  asses,  i   head  of  a  deer,  (7)  5 
tusks  of  ivory,  3  tables  of  ivory  and  locust  wood,  white 


FlG.  70.— Golden 
deer's  head  from 
Syria. 


FIG.  71.— Shields  from 
Syria. 


FIG.  72. — Quiver 
from  Syria?*" 


menu  stone  68  deben  .  .  .  spears,  shields,  and  bows, 
...  all  kinds  of  weapons  and  fragrant  wood  of  that 
country,  all  the  best  products  of  that  country.  Behold 
every  station  was  supplied  with  all  good  things,  accord- 
ing to  the  yearly  rate,  in  going  north  and  going  south 
(forth  and  back  in  campaigns),  and  the  work  of  the 
Remenen  (?)  likewise.  The  harvest  of  Zahi  in  corn, 
green  beq  oil,  incense  .  .  . 

The  tribute  brought  by  the  chief  of  the  Asi :  the 
native  copper  .  .  .  horses  .... 

The  tribute  of  the  chief  of  Arurekh  in  that  year  : 
male  and  female  slaves,  2  blocks  of  native  copper,  65 


B.C.  7503-1449.]  ANNALS  121 

logs  of  locust  wood,  with  all  the  fragrant  wood  of  its 
country. 

That  which  was  brought  to  the  spirits  of  His  Majesty 
from  the  land  of  Punt :  (9)  240  heq  measures  of  gums. 

The  work  of  the  vile  Kush :  gold  100  [  +  x]  dcben  6 
qedt\  36  negro  slaves  male  and  female,  in  steers, 
185  bulls ;  total,  296 ;  beside  boats  laden  with  ivory  and 
ebony  and  all  the  good  things  of  that  land,  together 
with  the  harvest  of  that  land. 

The  work  of  Wawat  .  .  .  2844,  (10)  16  negroes  male 
and  female,  steers  77,  beside  boats  laden  with  all  the 
good  things  of  that  land. 

XXXIXth    year,    His    Majesty    was    in    the   land   of 
Retennu,   in  his  XlVth  campaign  of  victory  after  he 
went   [to   overthrow]   the  fallen  of  the   Shasu.      The 
amount  [of  tribute  .  .  .   197  male  and  female  slaves,  (n) 
229  mares,    gold   dishes   2  deben, 
with   rings   12  qedt^  real  lazuli  30 
deben,   silver   dishes,    a   goblet,    a 
vase  in   shape   of  the   head   of  a 
bull,  325  various  vases,  with  silver 
in    rings,    making    1495   deben    i 
qedt;    a    chariot    .    .    .    (12)   white 
precious  stone,  white  menkh  stone, 
natron,  white  menu  stone,  and  all 
the  various  precious  stones  of  this 
land.     Incense,  sweet  beq  oil,  fresh 
beq  oil,  seft  oil,  jars  of  honey,  1405 
jars  of  wine;  84  bulls,  1183  small       FIG.  73. —Bull's  head 
cattle,    bronze   .    .    .    (13)  ...   of          vase  from  Syria. 
this  land  with  all  the  produce  of 
this  land.     Behold  every  station  was  supplied  with  all 
good    things,    according  to   their   rate   of  the   yearly 
supplies,    in    going    north    and    south ;    likewise    the 
harvest    of  ...  harvest  (14)  of  the  land  of  Zahi,  con- 
sisting of  corn,  incense,  dates,  wine  .  .   . 

(L.D.  iii.  30  A.) 

XLth  year  ?  (*)  [Tribute  of  the  chief]  of  Asi ;  2  tusks  of 
ivory,  40  blocks  of  bronze,  i  block  of  lead. 


TAHUTIMES  III 


[DYN.  XVHL  6. 


Tribute  of  [Kush]  (2)  .  .  .  that  year,  144  deben  3 
qedt  of  gold,  101  negro  slaves  male  and  female,  .  .  . 
bulls  (3)  .  .  . 

[Tribute  of  Wawat  in  that  year]  (3)  .  .  .  35  steers, 
54  bulls  ;  total,  89 :  beside  boats  laden  with  .  .  . 
XLIst  year  ?  (4)  The  tribute  of  the  chiefs  of  Retennu, 
brought  to  His  Majesty's  spirits  (5)  .  .  .  40  blocks  ; 
falchion  of  .  .  .,  bronze  spears,  (6) 
.  .  .  that  year  26  tusks  of  ivory,  241 
locust  trees,  184  bulls  .  .  .  goats,  (r) 
.  .  .  incense. 

Also  the  tribute  of  the  chief  of  the 
great  Khita  in  that  year  was,  gold  (8) 
46[  -f  x]   deben    2    qedt,    8    male    and 
female    negro    slaves,     13    boys    for 
servants;  total,  21.    Bulls  (?)•.  .  .  3144 
FIG.  74. -Falchion,     deben  3   qedt  of  gold,   35    steers,    79 
oxen  •  total,  1 14 ;  beside  boats  laden 
with  all  good  things. 

(10)  XLIInd  year?  His  Majesty  was  on  the  road  of 
the  shore  to  destroy  the  city  of  Arqantu,  and  the  city  of 
(u)  .  .  .  kana.  The  city  and  its  district  was  destroyed. 
Approaching  the  land  of  Tunep,  he  laid  waste  the 
city,  took  its  corn,  cutting  down  its  groves,  (12)  and 
those  alive,  by  the  troops  ;  bringing 
them,  they  arrived  in  peace.  ~**~ 

Approaching  the  district   of   Qed- 
eshu,  taking  the  fortresses  in  it. 

(13)  The  number  of  spoil  taken  in 
them  ...  of  vile  Naharina  who  were 
as  defenders  among  them,  with  their 
horses,  691  prisoners,  29  hands  [of 
slain],  48  mares  (14)  ...  in  that 
year  295  male  and  female  slaves,  68 
horses,  3  gold  dishes,  3  silver  dishes, 
3  craters,  a  table  ;  together  with  silver 
(15)  .  .  .  47  blocks  of  lead,  noo  deben  of  lead,  colours, 
emery,  all  the  gerns  of  the  land,  bronze  suits  of  armour, 
utensils,  .  .  .  (16)  all  the  excellent  wood  of  the  country. 
Behold  every  station  was  provided  with  all  good  things, 


FIG.  75.— Suit  of 
armour. 


B.C.  1503-1449.]  ANNALS  123 

according  to  the  rate  of  their  yearly  produce.  The 
harvest  of  that  country  (17)  .  .  .  with  dishes,  heads  in 
shape  of  bulls,  weighing  341  deben  2  qedt\  true  lazuli, 
one  stone  weighing  33  qedt  (n  ozs.) ;  a  good  zagu 
wood  chair,  native  copper. 

(18)  [Tribute  of  the  chief]  of  Tanai  (?) :  a  silver  jug  of 
the  work  of  Keftiu,  with  3  vases  of 
bronze  with  silver  handles,  weighing 
56  deben  i  qedt  .  .  .  (19)  with  all  the 
good  things  of  that  land. 

The  harvest  of  the  vile  Kush  ;  like- 
wise the  work  of  the  Wawat  in  that 
year,  was,  gold  2374  deben  i  qedt  .  .  . 
('20)  Wawat. 

Then  His  Majesty  ordered  that  the 
FIG  76^iaveriug     victories  which  he  had  made,  beginning 
-from  Syria.  in  his  XXIIIrd  and  continuing  to  his* 

XLIInd  year,  should   be  recorded   on 
this  tablet  on  this  shrine." 

A  private  inscription  of  the  officer  Amen'enrheb  is  of 
value,  as  giving  some  further  details  of  the  northern 
campaigns.  But  no  distinction  is  made  between 
different  years,  and  only  two  distinctive  names  are 
found  which  occur  in  the  Annals  ;  these  are  Senzaru 
and  Niy,  both  of  which  were  visited  in  the  XXXIIIrd 
year.  This  might  well  be  the  date  of  the  active  life  of 
Amen'envheb  ;  for  though  he  appears  twenty-one  years 
later  under  Amenhotep  II.,  he  then  takes  no  part  in 
fighting  or  work,  but  merely  accompanies  the  king  in 
Egypt.  He  says  (A.Z.  xi.  i,  63): — 

I  was  very  true  to  the  prince,  pure  of  heart  to  the 
king  of  Upper  Egypt,  glorious  of  heart  to  the  king  of 
Lower  Egypt.  I  followed  (2)  my  lord  at  his  goings  in 
the  land  of  the  north  and  south,  and  he  desired  that  I 
should  be  the  companion  of  his  feet.  He  (3)  performed 
his  victories,  and  his  valour  fortified  the  heart.  I  made 
a  capture  in  the  land  of  (4)  Negeba  (the  Negeb),  I  took 
Amu  3  persons,  living  captives. 

When  His  Majesty  came  to   Naharina  (6)  I  took  3 


I24  TAHUTIMES  III  DWN.  xvni.  6. 

persons  as  my  spoil  thence ;    I  set  them  before  Thy 
Majesty  as  living*  captives. 

(6)  Again  I  took  spoil  in  this  expedition  in  the  high 
land  of  Wan  on  the  west  of  Khalubu  (Aleppo):  I 
brought  (7)  Amu  living 'prisoners  13  persons,  70  live 
asses,  13  bronze  weapons,  and  .  .  .  bronze  weapons 
inlaid  with  gold. 

(8)  Again  I  took  spoil  in  this  expedition  in  the  land 
of  Karika-masha  (Karkhemish).  I  brought  thence 
.  .  .  persons  (9)  as  living  captives.  I  crossed  the 
water  of  Naharina  with  them  in  my  hand  .  .  .  (10) 
[I  brought  them]  before  my  Lord.  Then  he  rewarded 
me  with  a  great  reward,  the  amount  .  .  .  (n)  I  saw 
the  power  of  the  king  Men'kheper'ra,  the  giver  of  life, 
in  the  land  of  Senzaru  (Singara) ;  he  made  .  .  .  (12) 
I  made  a  capture  before  the  king,  I  brought  a  hand 
thence.  He  gave  me  gold  of  praise,  the  amount  .  .  . 
(13)  and  2  deben  silver. 

Again  I  saw  his  valour,  I  was  among  his  followers 
capturing  (14)  Kedeshu,  I  did  not  leave  the  place  where 
he  was  ;  I  brought  thence  2  marina  [living  prisoners,  I 
placed  them]  (15)  before  the  king  the  lord  of  the  two 
lands,  Tahutmes  the  ever-living :  he  gave  me  gold  for 
my  valour  before  all  persons  (16) ;  the  amount  was  of 
beaten  gold  a  lion,  2  necklaces,  2  helmets,  and  4  rings. 
I  saw  my  lord  in  ...  (17)  ...  in  all  his  forms  in  the^ 
borders  of  the  land  of  ...  (18)  .  .  .  and  again  gold 
was  given  me  for  it.  I  rose  to  ... 

Again  I  saw  his  might  in  the  land  of  Takhisi  .  .  . 
(20)  I  made  a  captive  from 
it  before  the  king ;  I  brought 
3  Amu  as  living  prisoners ; 
gave  to  me  (21)  my  lord  gold  of 
reward,  the  amount  was  2  gold 
...  4  bracelets,  2  helmets,  a 
lion,  and  a  female  slave. 

(22\    Again   ...    a    second 
FIG.  77.-Elephant  from  Syria.     good    WQrk  done   by  the  jQrd  - 

of  the  two  lands  in  the  land  of  Niy,   he  hunted   120 
elephants  for  their  tusks  .  .   .  (23)  the  largest  one  which 


B.C.  1503-14490  ANNALS  125 

was  among  them  began  to  fight  against  His  Majesty  ;  I 
cut  off  his  hand  while  he  was  alive  .  .  .,  (24)  I  went  in 
the  water  between  two  rocks,  my  lord  rewarded  me 
with  gold  (25).  He  gave  me  .  .  .  clothing  3  pieces. 
The  king  of  Qedshu  made  a  mare  come  forth  (26)  in 
front  .  .  .  She  ran  in  the  midst  of  the  army,  I  ran  after 
her  (27)  on  foot,  having  my  weapon.  I  ripped  up  her 
body,  I  cut  off  her  tail,  I  gave  (ij8)  it  to  the  king,  and 
they  praised  God  for  me  on  account  of  this.  He  caused 
joy  to  fill  my  body  and  pleasure  thrilled  my  limbs. 

(29)  When  His  Majesty  ordered  that  every  valorous 
man  of  his  troops  should  go  forth  to  break  through  the 
new  walls  made  for  Qedshu,  I  broke  them  open,  I  led 
all  the  valiant.  No  other  person  went  before  me,  I 
brought  (31)  marina  ^  living  prisoners.  Again  His 
Majesty  rewarded  me  on  account  of  it  with  all  (32)  good 
things  that  are  pleasing  before  the  king.  I  made  this 
capture  while  I  was  captain  .  .  .  (33)  I  arranged  the 
steering  in  .  .  .  as  the  headman  of  his  companions  (34) 
in  rowing  [the  boat  of  Amen]  in  his  good  festival  of 
Thebes,  mankind  was  in  joy  .  .  . 

(35)  Behold  the  king  had  ended  his  time  of  existence 
of  many  good  years  of  victory,  power,  and  (;*6)  justifica- 
tion from  the  ist  year  to  the  54th  year.  In  the  3Oth  of 
Phamenoth  of  the  majesty  of  the  king,  (37)  Menkheper- 
ra  deceased,  he  ascended  to*  heaven  and  joined  the 
sun's  disc,  the  follower  of  the  god  met  his  maker. 

When  the  light  dawned  and  the  morrow  came,  (8S) 
the  disc  of  the  sun  arose  and  heaven  became  bright. 
The  king  Aa'khepenrra,  son  of  the  sun,  Amenhotep, 
the  giver  of  life,  (39)  was  established  on  the  throne  of 
his  father,  he  rested  on  the  ka  name,  he  struck  down 
all,  he  thrust  .  .  .  (40)  of  Deshert,  he  hewed  off  the 
heads  of  their  chiefs,  crowned  as  Horus  the  son  of  Isis, 
he  took  (41)  [possession  of]  that  land. 

The  remaining  lines  mention  his  accompanying  the 
king  in  Egypt  and  in  the  palace. 


L26 


TAHUTIMES  III 


[DYN.  xvm.  6. 


GREATER  MONUMENTS. 

The  most  northern  monument  of  Tahutmes  III.  was 
the  triumphal  stele  which  he  erected  on  his  frontier  by 
the  Euphrates  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city  of  Niy, 
by  the  tablet  of  his  father.  This  appears  to  have  been 
as  far  north  as  Aleppo ;  but  hitherto  it  has  not  been 
discovered.  His  other  Asiatic  remains  are  the  steles  in 
Sinai,  At  Sarbut  el  Khadem  is  a  stele  of  the  23rd  year, 
with  the  king  offering  to  Hathor,  the  noble  and  high 
officer  Roy  holding  the  fan  behind  him  (L.D.  iii.  29 a). 
Another  stele  dated  in  the  27th  year  shows  the  king 
again  offering  to  Hathor,  the  goddess  of  that  region  ; 
and  a  portion  of  a  doorway  of  his  lies  near  it  (from 
photographs).  Pieces  of  glazed  vases  are  also  found 
there.  In  the  Wady  Maghara  is  an  inscription  of  his 
(My.  E.  344). 

The  long-neglected  Delta  began  to  revive  under  this 
reign.  At  Kom  el  Hisn,  on  the 
north-west,  is  a  town  with  many 
Ramesside  remains  which  prove 
it  to  be  the  ancient  Amu  (G.N. 
78).  But  the  rebuilding  of  the 
temple  here  dates  as  early  as 
Tahutmes  III.  ;  as  a  vase  evid- 
ently from  a  foundation  deposit"" 
(bought  in  Cairo),  names  him 
44  beloved  of  Hathor,  lady  of 
Amu"  (P.P.  Coll.).  This  is 
identical  in  style  with  the  vases 
of  his  deposits  at  Koptos. 

At  Heliopolis  (An)  he  carried 
out  great  works.  A  large  jamb  of 
a  gateway  was  formerly  in  the 
citadel  at  Cairo  (D  E.Y.  24,  i) ;  it  named  Tahutmes 
beloved  of  Turn  of  An,  and  of  the  spirits  of  An,  and  that 
he  made  a  gate  of  pure  stone  of  Bekhen.  Two  other 
blocks  of  a  gateway  were  recently  still  in  place  (B.R. 
ix.  23  a,  b).  A  stele  of  the  47th  year  (Berlin,  L.D.  iii. 
29  b)  informs  us  that  he  built  a  wall  with  gates  around 


FIG.  78. —Alabaster  vase  of 
Tahutmes  III.,  founda- 
tion deposit  of  Amu. 
F.  P.  Coll. 


B.C.  I503-I449-]  GREATER  MONUMENTS  127 

the  temple  of  Ra  (L.D.  iii.  29  bj.  Ameirenrant,  whose 
tomb  is  at  Abusir,  was  perhaps  the  architect  here,  as  he 
was  "  overseer  of  works  of  the  temple  of  Ra."  His 
other  titles  are  prince  in  Memphis,  overseer  of  all  the 
royal  works,  and  general  of  the  troops  (L.D.  iii.  296). 
The  two  obelisks  which  stood  at  Heliopolis,  erected  by 
Tahutmes  III.,  were  dedicated  to  Turn  of  Heliopolis. 
Both  were  appropriated  by  Ramessu  II.,  who  added 
lines  of  inscription  on  either  side  of  the  original  line 
down  the  middle  of  each  face.  Usarkon  I.  has  also 
added  his  name.  One,  and  probably  both  obelisks, 
were  removed  from  there  in  the  i8th  year  of  Augustus, 
B.C.  12,  as  recorded  upon  the  bronze  figures  of  crabs 
which  were  placed  as  ornaments  below  each  corner 
(A.  C.  Merriam,  Inscrips.  on  the  Obelisk-Crab).  They 
were  placed  at  Alexandria  in  front  of  the  Caesareum  ; 
and  remained  there  until  one  (68  J  feet  high)  was 
removed  to  London  in  1877,  and  the  other  (69  J  feet 
high)  was  removed  to  New  York  in  1879.  The  obelisks 
of  the  Lateran  and  of  Constantinople  have  been 
reported  to  belong  to  Heliopolis  ;  but,  as  we  shall  see 
farther  on,  they  probably  come  from  Thebes. 

At  Abusir  is  the  tomb  of  Amen-envant,  as  we  have 
just  noticed.  At  Memphis  it  appears  (according  to  an 
inscription  at  Sakkara,  B.H.  403)  that  a  temple  was 
erected  to  Ptah.  At  Gurob,  at  the  entrance  to  the 
Fayum,  a  temple  was  built  with  a  town  around  it  at 
the  end  of  the  great  dyke  of  the  Fayum  (P.I.  xxv.).  A 
lintel  (P.I.  xxiv.  3),  now  in  Adelaide,  and  other  stones 
(P.K.  xxii.  2),  give  the  king's  name; 
the  erasures  show  that  this  lasted 
until  the  time  of  Akhenaten  ;  but  the 
temple  was  soon  after  ruined  and 
mostly  removed,  and  houses  built 
over  its  site.  This  town  was  ruined  FIG.  79.— 
in  the  foreign  invasion  and  expul-  j**d 


sion     under     Merenptah,     and    was       coll. 
scarcely  occupied  since. 

The   rock   temple   of    Speos   Artemidos,    near   Beni 
Hasan,    begun    by     Hatshepsut,     was    continued    by 


128  TAHUTIMES  III  [DVN.  xvm.  6. 

Tahutmes  III.  (L.D.  iii.  26,  7).  At  El  Bersheh  a 
tablet  was  carved  on  the  rock,  dated  in  33rd  year,  on 
the  2nd  of  Mesore,  wishing  the  king-  millions  of  the  Sed 
festivals,  that  great  feast  of  30  years  having*  taken 
place  two  or  three  days  before  the  dating-  of  this 
stele. 

At  Ekhmim  is  a  scene  carved  in  a  rock  chamber,  of 
Tahutmes  (written  Men'ra'kheper)  adoring  Amen-Min 
(L.D.  iii.  29 d)  ;  and  another  inscription  in  the  temple 
site  (My.  E.  431).  At  Abydos  a  colossus  of  Osiris 
bears  the  name  of  the  king  on  the  back  (M.A.  i).  At 
Dendera  an  inscription  in  a  crypt  mentions  ."the 
restoring  of  the  monument  made  by  the  king,  lord 
of  both  lands,  Men'kheper'ra,  lord  of  the  crowns, 
Tahutmes,  according  to  the  discovery  of  ancient 
writings  of  the  time  of  Khufu"  (D.D.  i.)  ;  and  a  block 
of  Tahutmes  remains  there  in  the  later  building  (D.D. 
iii.  d).  He  also  dedicated  a  great  sistrum  of  mafek 
(malachite?),  16  digits  (a  foot)  high,  which  is  figured  in 
the  later  sculpture  (D.D.  ii.  c).  In  Wady  Hammamat 
is  also  an  inscription  of  this  king  (My.  E.  326). 

At  Koptos  he  entirely  rebuilt  the  temple.  Deep 
foundations  were  laid,  which  lasted  through  all  the 
successive  rebuildings,  and  through  the  Ptolemaic 
clearance,  down  to  Roman  times.  The  front  was 
supported  by  six  large  pillars,  placed  on  deep-and 
massive  sub  -  structures.  Beneath  the  walls  were 
several  foundation  deposits  of  models  of  tools,  ores, 
vases  in  alabaster,  and  a  great  quantity  of  pottery :  all 
of  the  more  valuable  objects  were  inscribed  for 
Tahutmes,  "  beloved  of  Min  of  Koptos."  Though  the 
upper  building  of  this  temple  has  been  removed,  yet 
fragments  show  that  the  walls  were  all  of  Silsileh 
sandstone,  in  place  of  the  limestone  used  in  the  earlier 
temples.  The  pillars  were  of  red  granite  sculptured 
with  scenes  of  the  king  offering.  They  were  probably 
re-used  in  the  later  temples,  as  they  remained  accessible 
in  Christian  times,  and  were  removed  from  the  ruins 
to  build  into  a  Coptic  church,  of  which  little  remains 
now  but  these  pillars.  Near  Dallas,  opposite  Koptos, 


B.C.  1503-1449- .1 


GREATER  MONUMENTS 


129 


is  the  ruin  of  the  small  town  of  Nubt,  built  by  this  king* 
and  Amenhotep  II.,  the  bricks  being  stamped  with 
their  cartouches.  Foundation  deposits  and  a  sand- 
stone jamb  of  Tahutmes  III.  were  lately  found  there. 

Karnak  shows  the  greatest  work  of  this  reign.  The 
old  temple,  which  had  been  renewed  and  enlarged  by 
this  family,  had  an  immense  addition  made  behind  it. 
A  great  hall  was  built,  over  130  feet  long,  supported  on 


FIG.  80.— Columns  of  Tahutmes  III.    Karnak. 

two  rows  of  pillars  and  two  rows  of  columns  ;  it  lay 
across  the  axis  of  the  temple  in  front  of  a  new 
sanctuary.  Numerous  chambers  opened  around  it, 
forming  a  complex  mass  of  nearly  fifty  halls  and  rooms. 
In  the  older  part  great  changes  were  made.  A  thin 
pylon  (VI.),  or  wall,  was  thrust  in  between  the 
sanctuary  and  the  pylons  of  Tahutmes  I.  It  bears 


130 


TAHUTIMES  III 


[DVN.  xvni.  6. 


some  of  the  most  valuable  documents,  in  the  long  lists 
of  conquered  towns  and  peoples;  three  lists  are  of 
northern,  and  one  is  of  southern  names.  Also  a  casing 
was  built  around  the  lower  parts  of  the  obelisks  of 

Hatshepsut,  so  as  to  hide 
all  her  address  to  those  who 
should  gaze  on  her  work, 
and  desire  to  know  who 
did  it.  On  the  inner  side 
of  this  pylon  of  Tahutmes 
are  the  two  beautiful 
granite  pillars  adorned 
with  lotus  flowers  on  each 
side.  The  valuable  list  of 
ancestors  whom  the  king 
is  represented  adoring  was 
in  the  southern  side  of  the 
surrounding  chambers  of 
the  temple  ;  but  the  whole 
part  was  so  barbarously 
destroyed  in  the  surrepti- 
tious theft  of  the  sculptures 
by  Prisse,  that  Mariette 
could  not  trace  even  the 
position  of  the  chambers. 

Leaving  the  main  temple, 
the  southern  approach 
was  further  decorated  by 
another  pylon  (VII.),  be- 
hind the  pylon  (VIII.)  of 
Tahutmes  I.  Adjoining 
that  is  the  eastern  wall  of 
the  court,  and'opening  from 
that  wall  is  a  small  temple 
of  alabaster.  The  walls 
bordering  the  sacred  lake  here  are  also  of  this  reign. 

To  the  north  the  small  temple  of  Ptah  was  built  by 
Tahutmes ;  and  his  name  also  occurs  in  the  temple  of 
Mut.  The  brick  wall  around  the  whole  of  the  build- 
ings then  existing  was  also  the  work  of  Tahutmes  III. 


FIG.  8 1.— Lotus  pillars  of  Tahutmes 
III.     Karnak. 


D.C.  1503-1449.]  GREATER  MONUMENTS  131 

At  Medinet  Habu,  this  king  finished  the  temple  which 
had  been  In  progress  since  his  grandfather's  time,  and 
which  was  mainly  built  by  his  father,  and  decorated  by 
him  and  Hatshepsut.  It  was  then  but  a  small  building, 
and  was  restored  by  Horernheb,  by  Sety  I.,  by  Ramessu 
XII.,  and  by  Painezem  I.,  according  to  their  successive 
notices  on  the  front  wall.  Then  Taharqa  added  a  front 
court  and  pylon  in  front,  cutting  through  the  temenos 
of  Ramessu  III.;  the  XXXth  dynasty  added  another 
court  in  front  of  that ;  Ptolemy  X.  added  a  great  pylon 
before  that ;  and.  lastly,  Antoninus  added  a  forecourt 
in  front  of  all. 

At  Deir  el  Bahri,  or  Assassif,  the  great  design  of 
Hatshepsut  was  finished  by  Tahutmes  III.  after  her 
death ;  one  doorway  is  entirely  inscribed  by  him 
(D.H.  ii.  xxxiv.),  showing  that  the  work  was  not 
completed  by  her.  The  obelisks  would  be  among  the 
later  objects,  and  it  is  therefore  very  probable  that  they 
were  erected  or  at  least  inscribed  by  Tahutmes.  The 
height  of  the  great  pair  of  obelisks  is  recorded  by  an 
inscription  in  the  temple  to  have  been  108  cubits 
(L.D.  iii.  27,  n)  ;  and  as  nothing  more  than  the  bases 
of  them  have  been  seen  in  the  temple,  we  naturally 
look  around  to  see  if  they  have  been  carried  elsewhere. 
The  length  of  185  feet  is  so  much  greater  than  that  of 
any  other  obelisk,  that  it  is  probable  that  the  width  was 
not  as  large  in  proportion,  as  that  would  have  made 
the  weight  impossibly  heavy  to  move.  The  obelisk  of 
Hatshepsut  is  97^  feet  high,  7  feet  10  inches  wide  at 
base,  and  about  5  feet  8  inches  at  top  (measured  from 
a  photograph) ;  the  obelisk  of  Tahutmes  III.  (Lateran) 
is  105^  feet  high,  9  feet  9  inches  wide  at  base,  and  about 
5  feet  10  inches  at  top.  Taking  the  lighter  obelisk,  that 
of  Hatshepsut,  which  weighs  about  300  tons,  if  the 
thickness  were  increased  proportionally  to  the  length 
on  185  feet,  it  would  imply  a  weight  of  over  2000  tons. 
This  is  so  obviously  excessive  (as  the  heaviest  blocks 
yet  known  are  the  colossi  of  Ramessu  II.,  800  tons  at 
the  Ramesseum,  and  900  tons  at  Tanis),  that  we  cannot 
suppose  that  the  thickness  was  proportionate  to  the 


132 


TAHUTIMES  III 


[DYN.  XVIH.  6. 


A 


A 


height.  Probably,  therefore,  the  missing1  obelisks 
should  be  about  the  same  width  at  the  top  as  the  other 
great  obelisks,  and  wider  at  the  base. 

The  only  obelisk  that  could 
fit  this  requirement  is  that  of 
Constantinople.  It  is  only  the 
top  of  a  broken  obelisk  ;  but 
the  inscription  on  the  south 
face  is  exactly  parallel  to  that 
on  the  west  face  of  Hatshep- 
sut's  obelisk.  If  it  continued 
like  that,  its  height  would  come 
to  about  1 20  feet ;  but  it  may, 
of  course,  have  been  a  longer 
inscription.  If  we  suppose 
that  it  was  172  feet  (or  100 
cubits,  leaving  13  feet  for 
pedestal),  then,  as  the  top  is 
about  5  feet  6  inches  wide  (by 
photograph),  and  the  broken 
end  7  feet  wide,  the  base  would 
have  been  10  feet  2  inches 
wide,  there  being  no  per- 
ceptible entasis.  As  the 
Lateran  obelisk  is  9  feet  9 
inches,  this  size  of  base  would 
be  very  probable  for  a  longer 
obelisk,  mass.  The  weight  of  this 
Constantinople  obelisk  would 
then  be  about  800  tons,  or  just 
of  the  same  class  as  the  two 
greatest  colossi. 

The  problem,  therefore, 
stands  thus.  Two  obelisks 
existed  at  Deir  el  Bahri  185  feet  high,  probably  including 
the  pedestals.  The  Constantinople  fragment  (judging 
by  the  inscription)  was  apparently  from  an  obelisk 
longer  than  any  other  known,  and  therefore  has  the 
best  claim  to  be  one  of  the  missing  pair.  It  is  so 
slender  that,  if  protracted  to  the  same  base  width  as  the 


K  C  L 

FIG.  82.  —  K.  Hatshepsut's 
obelisk  at  Karnak. 

L.    Tahutmes    III. 
Lateran. 

C.  Broken  top  of  obelisk  at 
Constantinople,  continued 
down  to  same  breadth  as 
Lateran,  and  making  (with 
the  base)  a  height  of  108 
cubits  as  described. 


6.c.  1503-1449.]  GREATER  MONUMENTS  133 

Lateran,  it  would  be  of  about  the  recorded  length.  If 
it  were  of  that  length,  its  existing  width  and  slope 
would  imply  a  weight  about  the  same  as  that  of  the 
Heaviest  masses  known  to  have  been  transported.  And 
it  was  dedicated  to  Amen,  and  therefore  probably 
came  from  Thebes.  It  is  then  most  likely  that  we  see 
in  this  the  top  of  one  of  the  great  obelisks  of  Deir  el 
Bahri.  What  became  of  the  lower  part,  and  of  the 
other  obelisk,  we  may  guess  when  we  see  the  multitude 
of  obelisks  erected  by  Ramessu  II.,  and  remember 
how  ruthlessly  he  re-worked  the  stones  of  his  pre- 
decessors. 

An  interesting  inscription  concerning  the  obelisks  of 
Tahutmes  III.  exists  in  the  tomb  of  Puamra  at  Qurneh. 
The  king  is  seated  "  beholding  monuments  of  great 
works  made  by  the  king,  lord  of  both  lands,  Men* 
kheperra,  to  his  father  Amen  in  Thebes,  great  in 
silver  and  gold,  and  all  noble  things,  by  the  prince,  the 
beloved  of  the  god  Puam."  Before  him  stand  three  of 
the  architects  and  three  of  the  builders,  saying,  "Come 
the  overseers  of  works  speaking  of  these  princely 
things,  delighting  thy  heart  by  thy  creation  of  all  these 
thy  high  works."  The  first  three  are  "  overseers  of 
workmen  of  the  temple  of  Amen  "  ;  the  other  three  are 
"  overseers  of  works  of  the  temple  of  Amen."  Behind 
them  are  two  great  obelisks  with  inscriptions  dedicating 
them  to  Amen  (L.D.  iii.  390). 

'  Another  tomb  shows  the  king  offering  two  obelisks, 
with  vases,  arms,  collars,  boxes,  gold  rings  (613 \  deben 
weight),  etc.,  to  Amen  (C.M.  316-7). 

The  great  tomb  of  Reklrma-ra  (which  we  have 
drawn  from  in  previous  pages  to  illustrate  the  foreign 
tribute)  shows  that  he  had  to  do  with  the  monuments 
of  the  king,  and  with  the  plating  of  the  temple  gates 
with  gold  from  the  Rutennu  (M.A.F.  v.  57).  Similarly, 
Men-kheper-ra-senb  states  that  he  had  seen  Tahutmes 
make  a  monolith  shrine  of  red  granite  entirely  plated 
with  electrum,  and  a  colonnade  and  pair  of  obelisks 
likewise  covered. 

At  Taud,  above  Thebes,  are  fragments  of  sculptures 


134 


TAHUTIMES  III 


N.  xvin.  6. 


of  this  reign.  At  Esneh  a  great  stele  of  the  king  is 
mentioned  in  an  inscription  of  the  time  of  Claudius 
(L.D.  iv.  8 a).  At  El  Kab  an  architrave  of  the  temple 
of  Sebek  is  of  this  age  (C.N.  266);  and  a  small  temple 
surrounded  by  a  colonnade — like  the  destroyed  one 
of  Elephantine — stood  here  (W.T.  430).  At  Edfu  is  a 
Ptolemaic  inscription  stating  that  Tahutmes  III.  built 


FIG.  83. — The  overseers  of  works  who  made 
the  obelisks.     Thebes. 

the  temple  of  Hathor  at  Edfu  (A.Z.  ix.  97).  At  Kom 
Ombo  stood  a  grand  pylon  to  the  temenos  of  the 
temple,  which,  though  built  by  Hatshepsut;  was  carved 
by  Tahutmes  III.  The  lintel  of  it  was  a  Ptolemaic 
restoration  (L.D.  iii.  28,  i  ;  R.R.  28);  but  all  this  is 
now  washed  away  by  the  Nile.  A  lintel  block  of 
Tahutmes  III.,  perhaps  washed  out  of  some  later 
structure,  lay  on  the  bank  recently  (A.Z.  xxi.  78). 


u.c.  15^3-^4490  GREATER  MONUMENTS  135 

At  Elephantine  some  temple  existed,  as  is  shown  by 
the  blocks  ofTahutmes  III.  which  remained  built  into 
the  quay  wall.  But  there  is  no  evidence  to  which 
temple  they  belonged  ;  and  it  is  more  likely  that  they 
were  part  of  some  ruined  temple  of  Tahutmes  rebuilt 
by  the  Ptolemies,  than  that  the  temple  of  Amenhotep 
III.  was  begun  by  Tahutmes.  A  block  of  this  king 
remains  also  at  the  railway  station  at  Aswan  (Rec. 
ix.  81).  An  obelisk  from  the  temple  of  Elephantine  is 
stated  to  be  at  Sion  House  (Birch,  History,  102).  An 
inscription  at  Sehel  records  the  clearing  again  of  the 
canal  of  the  cataract  (see  i.  p.  179):  "The  year  50, 
Pakhons  22,  under  the  majesty  of  king  Men'kheperra, 
His  Majesty  commanded  to  cut  this  canal,  after  he  had 
found  it  choked  with  stones  so  that  no  vessel  crossed 
on  it.  His  Majesty  passed  over  it,  his  heart  rejoicing 
that  he  had  slain  his  enemies.  Name  of  this  canal, 
1  Open  the  way  well  by  Men'kheperra.1  The  fishers  of 
Elephantine  are  to  dredge  this  canal  every  year  "  (Rec. 
xiii.  203).  Another  stele  shows  the  king  adoring  the 
gods  Khnum  Anket  and  Sati  (M.I.  i.  101,  218).  Pro- 
bably a  temple  was  built  on  the  island  of  Bigeh  by 
this  king,  judging  from  a  statue  there  (W.T.  470). 

In  Nubia  was  one  of  the  greatest  fields  of  archi- 
tectural activity  of  Tahutmes  III.  Almost  every  site 
there  appears  to  have  been  settled  by  him,  and  temples 
built  to  the  local  gods.  At  Kalabsheh  is  said  to  be  a 
granite  statue  in  the  temple,  and  a  block  with  his  name 
Prokesch  Nilfahrt  575).  At  Kuban  is  an  inscription 
My.  E.  538).  At  Dakkeh  also  a  mention  of  the  king 
S.N.  136).  At  Korti  is  a  stone  of  Tahutmes,  and  the 
foundations  of  the  temple  which  was  rebuilt  later 
(L.L.  124).  At  Amadah  is  a  gateway  ofTahutmes  III. 
on  one  jamb,  and  of  Amenhotep  II.  on  the  other  jamb, 
while  both  names  occur  jointly  on  the  lintel.  This 
points  to  a  co-regency  (L.D.  iii.  65  b,  c).  A  great  stele 
in  the  third  year  of  Amenhotep  II.  shows  that  the 
work  was  done  here  at  the  close  of  the  reign  of 
Tahutmes  (L.D.  iii.  65  a),  and  that  the  co-regency  was 
not  long.  There  is  also  a  scene  of  Tahutmes  embraced 


136  TAHUTIMES  III  frvN.xvm.6. 

by  Isis-Selk  (L.D.  iii.  45).  At  Ellesiyeh  are  scenes  of 
Tahutmes  III.  adoring  Ra,  Dedun,  and  Usertesen  IIL 
(L.D.  iii.  45  d),  and  of  Uaxet  and  Mut  embracing  the 
king,  and  his  offering  to  Hathor  and  Horus  of  Behen, 
Maam,  and  Ta'khens  (L.D.  iii.  46).  A  stele  here  is 
dated  in  the  42nd  year,  Pakhons  14  (L.D.  iii.  45  e), 
showing  again  that  the  Nubian  works  were  toward  the 
end  of  the  reign.  At  Ibrim  are  two  rock  chapels  ;  one 
has  a  lintel  with  the  king's  name,  and  inside  are 
figures  of  the  king  before  Horus  of  Maam  ;  the  other 
chapel  shows  him  before  Horus  of  Maam  and-Sati 
(C.N.  79).  These  shrines  were  carved  by  the  viceroy 
Nehi,  who  is  frequently  met  with  in  this  region. 

At  Wady  Haifa  a  brick  temple  was  erected  by 
Tahutmes  III.  to  the  Horus  of  Beheni.  By  the  door  is 
a  stele  of  his  23rd  year  (B.E.  341).  Also  a  grand 
temple  at  Semneh  (L.D.  iii.  47-56),  and  a  fellow  one  at 
the  other  fortress  of  Kummeh  (L.D.  iii.  57-59  a,  64  b) 
were  probably  both  begun  by  the  preceding  kings,  but 
completed  and  adorned  by  the  viceroy  Nehi  under 
Tahutmes  III.  At  the  island  of  Sai  (lat.  20°  42'  N.) 
are  the  remains  of  a  temple  of  this  reign,  built  by  the 
viceroy  Nehi  (L.D.  iii.  59  b,  c).  At  Dosheh  appear 
Tahutmes  III.  and  Usertesen  III.  together,  and  also 
Tahutmes  offering  to  Horus  of  Ta'khens  (L.D.  iii. 
59  d,  e).  And  the  founding  of  the  temple  of  Soletr4s 
attributed  likewise  to  this  reign. 

We  see  thus  the  most  extraordinary  activity  in 
building ;  and  probably  dozens  of  minor  temples  have 
passed  away  which  are  quite  unknown  to  us,  as  little 
suspected  as  the  temples  of  Kom  el  Hisn,  Gurob,  and 
Nubt  were  a  few  years  ago.  As  it  is,  we  can  count 
up  over  thirty  different  sites,  all  of  which  were  built  on 
during  this  reign.  The  Nubian  buildings  seem  to  be 
mostly  of  later  date  than  the  others,  and  the  record  of 
clearing  the  canal  in  the  soth  year  shows  activity  there 
at  that  time.  It  would  seem  probable  that  the  last 
ten  years  of  the  great  conqueror-  were  devoted  to 
affirming  his  power  in  the  south. 


B.C.  1503-1449.3 


LESSER  MONUMENTS 


137 


LESSER  MONUMENTS. 

The  statues  of  Tahutmes  III.  are  numerous,  but 
seldom  colossal.  At  Karnak  is  the  base  of  a  seated 
colossus  in  hard  white  silicious  limestone,  at  the  west 
end. of  the  front  of  pylon  VIII.  (M.K.  38  dj.  The  head 
of  a  colossus  in  brown  granite  is  in  the  British  Museum, 
but  the  statue  of  it  is  unknown. 

A  standing-  statue  in  red  granite  from  Karnak,  rather 

over  life  size,  is  in  Cairo  (G.  Mus.,     

V.G.    202);    it    was  found   in   the 

axial  chamber  or  sanctuary  of  the 

buildings  of  Tahutmes  III.  at  the 

east  end  of  the  temple  (M.K.  p. 

34).     A  seated  black  granite  statue 

was  also  found  at  Karnak  in  many 

fragments,  now  rejoined  (G.  Mus., 

V.G.     214).        Many     dozens     of 

statues     of    this    king    are    also 

stated  to  have  existed  at  Karnak 

(M.K.  p.  36).     At  Turin  is  a  very 

fine    statue    in    black    and   white 

diorite  (L.T.  1376;  the  head,  L.D. 

iii.     292,     30).       Another     seated 

statue  in  dark  grey  granite,    but 

headless,  was  brought  from  Nubia 

—  probably     Elephantine,     as     it 

names  the  gods  of  that  place :   it 

is    now  at    Florence   (S.    Cat.    F. 

1503).     At  Abydos  remains  still  a 

torso,  and  a  throne  (M.A.  348-9). 

At     Alexandria     stood     a    statue 

of  the   king,    "  beloved   of   Anit,    lady  of    Dendera " 

(B.R.  ix.  3,  p.  18).     A  torso  lies  behind  the  temple  at 

Karnak,  and  two  fragments  of  statues  before  the  first 

pylon  of  the  hypostyle  at  Luxor  (W.G.  358).     A  bust 

in   red  granite  was  found  at  Karnak  (V.G.  192).     A 

bronze   statuette   of  the   king    is    reputed    to    be    at 

Marseille,  but   is   not   in   Maspero's   catalogue.     Two 


FIG.  84.— Statue  of  Ta- 
hutmes III.     Karnak. 


TAHUTIMES  III 


.  xvii i.  6. 


statues  are  mentioned  in  inscriptions  by  Tahutmes  IV. 
(M.K.  33),  and  by  Neb'ua-iu  (M.A.  ii.  33). 

Two  sphinxes  in  red  granite  were  found  in  a  chamber 
at  the  back  of  the  hall  of  pillars  of  Tahutmes,  along* 
with  two  tables  of  offerings  probably  for  offering1  before 
them  (V.G.  221-2  ;  M.K.  32  b,  pp.  34,  55).  A  drawing 
of  the  king  on  a  board  divided  in  squares  for  the  canon 


FIG.  85. — Board  with  figure  of  Tahutmes  III.,  drawn  on  squares. 
Brit.  Mus. 


of  proportion  is  in  the  British  Museum  (A.B.  33);  and 
a  trial  piece  with  uncertain  heads  and  this  king's 
name  is  at  Turin  (L.D.  iii.  304). 

A  stele,  showing  Tahutmes  adoring-  Min,  is  at 
Turin  (L.T.  1460) ;  and  one  was  found  in  the  chapel  of 
Uazmes,  showing  Tahutmes  III.  adoring  his  grandfather 
and  prince  Uazmes  (M.E.  ii.).  A  large,  high  block  of 


B.C.  1503-1449- 


LESSER  MONUMENTS 


red  granite,  with  figures  half  detached  in  relief, 
representing  Tahutmes  held  hand  in  hand  by  Mentu 
and  Hathor,  twice  repeated,  was  found  at  Karnak. 
From  the  size,  about  5^  feet  high  and  3  x  i £  feet  at 
the  top,  it  cannot  be  an  altar  ;  but  would  be  exactly 
suited  as  a  stand  for  resting  the  sacred  bark  in  the 
temple,  when  depositing  it  from  the  priests'  shoulders 
after  a  procession  (B.  Mus.,  A.B.  34).  Another  such 
block  is  said  to  be  still  at  Karnak  (W.G.  366).  A 
large  and  very  fine  altar  is  in  the  Vatican  (Massi, 
Guide,  87).  An  altar  of  the  kalathos  form  was  found 
at  Salonika  (A.Z.  vi.  79).  And  two  fine  altars  of  red 
granite  and  of  alabaster  belonged  to  the  sphinxes  of 
Tahutmes  in  a  back  hall  of  the  Karnak  temple  built  by 
him  (Hall  Y1,  M.K.  32  b  ;  V.G.  211  ;  M.B.  98). 

Many  alabaster  vases  are  known,  to  which  references 
are  given  at  the  head  of  this  reign.  The  important 
ones  are  those  with  the  contents  marked.  One  at 
Turin  contained  nine  hins,  but  is  filled  with  bitumen  (?), 
so  that  it  cannot  be  guaged  ;  another  at  Ghizeh  con- 
tained 21  hins,  and  as  it  measures  581  cubic  inches, 
the  hin  was  27*7  c.  i.  in  this  case.  Two  glass  vases 

with  the  name  of  Men'kheperra  are     ^ _ 

the  earliest   dated  glass  known,   and 

show  much  facility  in  the  working  and 

knowledge  of  the  material  (B.  Mus.; 

Ms.  A.  251  ;  R.C.  Ixii.  6).     Two  ivory 

tablets  with  the  name  are  reported  to 

exist  at  Marseille  (W.G.  368),  but  are 

not  apparent  in  Maspero's  catalogue : 

they  are  probably  those  which  are  now 

considered  false.    A  very  strange  series 

of  fourteen  labels  of  wood  and  one  of 

stone,  bearing  the  names  of  princesses, 

three  of  which  have  also  the  name  of 

Tahutmes  III. ,  were  found  in  a  tomb  in 

Thebes  by  Rhind.     That  they  were  original  labels  of 

the  mummies  of  the  princesses,  seems  very  unlikely  ; 

they  may  have  belonged  to  slaves  or  servants  of  the 

princesses,    as    there    are    so    many   different   names. 


FIG.  86. —Glass  vase 
of  Tahutmes  III. 


140  tAHUTIMES  III  tovN.xvni.6. 

From  the  style  of  the  names  they  seem  to  be  all  of 
this  same  period,  so  they  are  not  likely  to  be  labels 
which  were  attached  in  course  of  removing  a  series 
of  miscellaneous  royal  mummies  in  later  times.  The 
names  are  stated  here  in  dealing  with  the  family  of 
the  king.  A  feather  head-dress  of  Amen  with  the 
king's  name  (T.  Mus.),  a  fish-shaped  dish  of  green 
glaze  (Ms.  G.  124),  and  a  scribe's  palette  for  "  Tahutmes 
III.  loved  by  Amen  and  Ptah"  (Bologna),  are  of  this 
reign. 

A  few  papyri  remain.  One  in  Turin  (No.  i)  recounts 
how  a  scribe  User 'amen  had  served  royalty  for  thirty 
years  ;  as  he  dates  in  the  fifth  year  of  this  reign,  he 
began  in  the  middle  of  Tahutmes  Ist's  reign. 

Rings  are  common  in  all  materials,  except  glazed 
pottery,  which  does  not  appear  till  Tahutmes  IV.     One 
ring   in   gold   found   at   Gurob   (Fig.   48)   shows   that 
the  king  was  born  at  Thebes  (mes  uas).     The  contem- 
porary scarabs  of  this  reign  are  com- 
moner  than   in   any  other  ;    and    the 
name  of  Men'kheperra  continued  to 
be  placed  on  amulets  and  scarabs  in 
_^  many  later  times,  so  that  two  scarabs 

Fio.Sr.-Scarabof  Out  °*  ^  *"»  . with  ™mf  *re 
Tahutmes  III.  generally  of  this  king.  His  lasting 
F.  P.  Coll.  popularity  shows  how  deeply  the  glories 

of  his  reign  had  impressed  Egyptians 
with  the  greatest  epoch  of  their  history.  Two  later 
kings  retook  his  name,  the  husband  of  Isi'enrkheb  in 
the  XXIst,  and  Piankhy  in  the  XXVth  dynasty. 

PRIVATE  MONUMENTS. 

We  now  turn  to  the  remains  of  private  persons, 
which,  from  the  length  and  the  riches  of  this  reign,  are 
unusually  important. 

Beginning  with  those  who  lived  in  this  reign,  there 
are  the  following  officials  and  others  : — 

Aa'ma'ihu,  vizier,  tomb,  Silsileh  (L.D.  Hi.  25  bis,  o;  S.B.A. 

xii.  103;  M.A.F.  v.  i.  3). 


B.C.  I503-I449-] 


PRIVATE  MONUMENTS 


141 


Amen'ewant)  architect  and  general,  Abusir     (L.D.  iii.  29  e). 
Amen'em-hat,  keeper  of  the  palace,  Heliopolis(L.D.  iii.  29  c). 


Amen'em'heb)  tomb  with  Rutennu 
Amen* emf hat,  tomb,  stele,  28th  year 

Amen'em'ka,  cones,  second  prophet  of  king 

Amen'em'meruf,  ivekil  of  the  palace,  Leydcn 
Amen'mes,  overseer  of  north,  tomb,  Asasssif. 


(M.A.F.v.224-285), 
(L.D.    iii.    38    e-g; 

A.Z.  xxi.  132). 
(M.A.F.    viii.    279, 

82). 
(Lb.  D.  595)- 


FIG.  88.—  Rekh'ma-ra. 

Amen-user,  tomb  119,  vizier 
Amunzeh,  keeper  of  the  palace,  tomb 
Anteft  chief  reporter,  tomb,  Drah  a.  Negg-a. 
Bahes'heku,  feather-bearer,  Turin 
Humai,  governor  of  Memphis,  P.  Mus. 
Kargui,  scribe  of  Nubian  treasury,  Addeh 
JChartt,  fan-bearer 
Mau'en'hegu,  armour-bearer,  Turin 
Men'kheperra'senb,  A,  keeper  of  magazines 
B,  tomb  59 


(B.E.  ii.  191). 
(M.A.F.V.  337- 


(Rec.  iii.  124). 
(S.  h.  14). 
(W.  G.368). 
(Lb.  D.  591). 
(L.T.  1459). 
(B.C.  127  cone). 
(C.N.t.ss7;M.A.F. 
v.  197-223). 


I42  TAHUTIMES  III  [DYN.  xvm,  6. 


ny  keeper  of  granaries,  Abbott  papvrus. 
,,          tomb,  keeper  of  audience  hall  (Rec.  ix.  97). 

Neby,  great  builder  of  the  king1,  Dresden  (A.Z.  xix.  67). 

Nehi,  viceroy  of  Ethiopia  (L.D.  iii,    59  b,  c, 

etc.;  C.N.  79). 
Penaati,  chief  of  works  (P.S.  357). 

„  „  statue,  Turin  (S.  Cat.  F.  1505). 

Ptah'mesy  high  priest,  Memphis,  naos,  Abydos  (V.G.    200  ;     M.A. 

ii.  32). 

,,  ,,  ,,     pyramid,  Berlin  (B.C.  91). 

Puam'ra,  over    the     royal     monuments,    and 

governor  of  the  small  Oasis     (D.O.  i,  2  a,  p.  22  ;  L.D.  iii.  39  c), 
ushabti-coffin  (B.C.  125),  stele  (V.G.  215). 
Rekh'ma'ra,     vizier,     great    tomb,     No.     35, 

Qurneh  (M.A.F  v.;  H.E.  xlvi.-xlix.;  P.  A.  97,  100). 

Set,  guardian  of  the  palace  (Lb.  D.  587). 

Tahutii  general,  gold  dish,  silver  dish,  canopic 
jar  (Louvre),  gold  heart  scarab,  canopic  jar, 
kohl  pot  (Leyden),  dagger  (Darmstadt). 
Tahuti,    scribes,    coffin    (M.B.    577),    palette    (M.A.     1486    and 

Ms.  G.  120). 

Tahutmes,  wekil  of  the  palace  (Lb.  D.  595,  608). 

,,          high  priest  of  Memphis  (S.  Cat.  *F.  1570). 

User,  vizier  (M.K.  32  g);  stele,  24th  year,  tomo  (A.Z.  xxi.  132). 
User'hat,  overseer  of  serfs  of  the  king  (L.P.  26). 

Zanuni)  scribe  of  general  census,  tomb  (C.N.  831),    stele  (Turin  ; 
Rec.  iv.  13;  M.A.F.  v.  591). 

Priests  of  Tahutmes  III.  in  later  times  :  — 

Bakta,  qemat  of  Tahutmes  III.,  stele,  P.  Mus.  (P.R.  ii.  77). 
Horam.es  \  adoring  Sopd  and  Tahutmes  III.        (E.L.  40).         ~-» 
Horem'heb,  tomb  (C.N.  i.  492  ;  L.D.  iii.  78  b). 

Ima'ducty  great  tomb  under  Rams.  X.  (C.N.  i.  563). 

Ken*amen^  priest,  Abydos  (M.A.  1108,  ii.  49). 

Khaemuas,  2nd  prophet  of  T.     Tomb  of  Khonsu  (Qurneh) 
Khonsu,  ist  prophet  of  T.     Rams.  II.  tomb  (Qurneh) 
Men'kheper,  prayer  to  royal  ka  (C.N.  i.  839). 

Ra,  priest  (L.D.  iii.  62  b). 

Rany  priest  (Berlin,  2067  ?) 

SakedenU)  priest,  cones  (M.A.F.  viii.  299,  294). 

Sen'nefer  adoring  Nefertari,  Sa*pair,  Tahutmes 
I.  and  III.,  Amenhotep  II.,  seal  and  palace 
keeper,  tomb,  Qurneh  (L.T.  1455). 

The  importance  of  these  private  remains  is  in  show- 
ing details  of  the  foreign  peoples  and  tributes  ;  these 
we  have  already  noticed, 


&c  1503-1449]  ROYAL  FAMILY  143 

ROYAL  FAMILY. 

Of  the  family  of  Tahutmes  III.  but  little  is  known. 
His  queen,  of  whom  his  heir  Amenhotep  II.  was  born, 
was  Meryfra  Hatshepset,  daughter  of  Hatshepsut ; 
this  is  shown  by  Amenhotep 
being  accompanied  with  his 
mother  in  tomb  scenes  (L.D. 
iii.  62,  64),  and  on  a  scarab 
(M.A.  ii.  40  n).  A  female 
sphinx  representing  her,  with 
the  name  of  her  husband  on 
the  chest,  was  found  in  the 
temple  of  Isis  at  Rome,  now 
in  the  Baracco  collection,  and 
casts  of  it  at  Turin  and  Berlin 
(A.  Z.  xx.  118).  The  queen  ^V8^.11^  of  Tahutmes 
*  ,  ,  .  i  i  i  \  i  III.,  Deirel  Bahn.  Photo- 

appears    behind    her    husband          graphed  by  Mr.  Carter. 
at    Medinet    Habu    (L.D.    iii. 
38  a,  b  ;  C.M.  195,  3) ;  and  in  a  tomb  (L.D.  iii.  63  a). 

A  strange  collection  of  labels  bearing  the  names  of 
princesses  was  found  by  Rhind  at  Thebes.  A  tomb 
sealed  under  Amenhotep  III.  had  been  broken  open  ; 
in  the  upper  chamber  were  fragments  of  coffins  and 
funereal  furniture,  with  these  labels  lying  loose  ;  in  the 
lower  chamber  were  the  despoiled  mummies.  Not 
having  any  of  the  pieces  of  the  coffins  dated  or  pre- 
served, it  is  possible  that  they  and  the  mummies  all 
belonged  to  subsequent  interments,  but  not  likely  ;  as, 
if  the  place  had  been  cleared  out  for  fresh  burials,  the 
entrance  would  have  been  regularly  opened.  And  as 
it  is  not  likely  that  a  whole  clearance  would  have  been 
made  within  sixty  years,  the  seal  of  Amenhotep  is 
probably  of  the  same  closing  of  the  tomb  to  which 
these  labels  of  Tahutmes  III.  belong. 

The  question  then  arises,  who  were  the  persons  con- 
nected with  the  labels?  The  little  slips  of  wood,  with 
names  written  on  in  rough  hieratic  with  ink,  are  not  at 
all  grand  ;  and  Rhind  suggested  that  they  might  have 
been  for  slaves  of  the  various  princesses.  This  is  the 


144  TAHUTIMES  III  [DYN.  xvm,  6, 

more  likely,  as  there  are  three  labels  of  one  name,  and 
two  of  each  of  two  other  names :  so  they  must  have 
referred  to  persons  or  things  belonging  to  the  prin- 
cesses, and  could  not  be  body  labels  for  themselves. 
But  no  person  is  named  beside  the  princesses,  except 
on  two  labels,  the  household  or  funeral  officials,  namely, 
an  inspector,  two  guardians,  and  an  embalmer,  are 
inscribed. 

Turning  next  to  the  names,  we  read  first:  "  Year 
27,  Pharmuthi  2.  King's  daughter  Nebtau,  daughter 
of  the  royal  son  Sa'tum  "  (see  No.  i).  Here  the  title 
king's  daughter  must  mean  descendant,  as  Sa'tum  was 
her  immediate  father.  Another  inscription  bears  on 
this,  as  Neb'amen  was  keeper  of  the  house  of  the  royal 
wife  Nebtu  (Rec.  ix.  97),  whose  name  is  probably  the 
same  as  Nebtau,  with  a  slight  blunder  in  one  or  other. 
Neb'amen  had  served  Tahutmes  II.,  then  dead,  and 
Nebtu  was  also  dead  when  he  wrote  under  Tahutmes  III. 
This  date  of  twenty-seven  years  after  Tahutmes  II.  is  not 
at  all  impossible  to  fit  his  biography.  Who,  then,  was 
the  queen  Nebtu  ?  As  the  date  above  on  the  label  is  forty 
years  after  the  death  of  Tahutmes  I.,  it  seems  more 
likely  that  Nebtu  was  a  queen  of  Tahutmes  III.,  who 
died  young.  The  tomb  appears  to  have  been  in  use 
till  some  time  later,  by  the  seal  of  Amenhotep  III.  ; 
and  hence  the  various  king's  daughters  named, ^nd 
stated  to  be  of  the  house  of  the  royal  children  of 
Tahutmes  III.,  were,  probably  his  daughters.  Their 
names  are  recorded — 

* '  Princess  Taui  .  .  .  of  the  house  of  the  royal 
children  of  Men'kheper'ra ;  those  who  follow  her, 
inspector  Maa,  guardian  .  .  .,  guardian  Nefer  .  .  ., 
embalmer  ..." 

"  Princess  Ta'kheta,  of  the  house  of  the  royal 
children  of  Men'kheperra ;  those  who  follow  her,  the 
inspector  Tugay,  guardian  Si,  guardian  Nefer  u-er*hatf, 
embalmer  Nefer'renpit "  (sse  No.  2). 

"  Princess  Pefahuha  of  Men'kheperra  "  (3). 

"Princess  Pefpui,  surnamed  Ta'khet'aui"  (2). 

"  Princess  Meryfptah." 


B.C.  IS03-M49-] 


ROYAL  FAMILY 


14S 


"  Princess  Sat'hora." 
"  Princess  Nefer'amen." 
"  Princess  Uaay." 
"  Princess  Henut'anu"  (2). 

Bearing  on  the  date,  we  may  notice  that  the  Kheta 
do   not   appear   named  among  Egyptian  foes  till  the 


FIG.  90. — i.  Label  of  Nebtau. 


2.  Label  of  Ta'kheta. 


33rd  year  of  Tahutmes  III.;  hence  Ta'kheta  (who  was 
probably  the  child  of  some  captive  of  the  Kheta) 
would  probably  have  died  late  in  his  reign. 


At  the  close  of  this  reign, — one  of  the  grandest  and 
most  eventful  in  Egyptian  history, — we  may  well  pause 

to  look  at  the  new  conditions 
of  life  which  were  thus  forced 
on  the  country. 

In  the  previous  crises  of  the 
land,  when  it  was  invaded 
by  the  Libyans  in  the  Vllth, 
by  the  Amu  or  Asiatics  in 
the  IXth,  and  again  in  the 
XlVth  dynasty,  but  little 
effect  was  made  upon  the 
national  art  and  character. 
The  invaders  were  apparently  less  civilised  than  the 

II—    10 


FIG.  91. — Haematite  scarab  of 
Tahutmes  III.,  found  in 
Cappadocia,  and  clearly  of 
Syrian  work,  both  in  design 
and  execution.  Dr.  Long's 
Coll. 


146  TAHUTIMES  III  [DYN.  XVIIL  d. 

Egyptians,  and  had  ho  knowledge  to  impart  to  them. 
The  upper  classes  of  the  Egyptians  doubtless  fled 
southward  before  the  invaders,  and  only  those  whose 
property  fixed  them  to  the  soil  were  likely  to  stay  under 
a  hated  oppression.  Thus  very  little  effect  appears  on 
the  Egyptian  civilisation  ;  the  works  of  the  Xlth  and 
the  XVIIth  or  of  the  Xllth  and  the  XVIIIth  dynasties, 
when  compared,  are  barely  distinguishable.  Clearly  no 
external  influence  acted  on  the  art  or  ways  of  the 
Egyptians  with  any  obvious  result.  Not  only  would 
the  skilled  classes  flee,  but  the  boundary  of  the  races 
would  be  always  a  fighting  frontier  where  the  arts 
would  not  be  practised. 

When  we  come  to  the  invasion  of  Syria  by  the 
Egyptians,  very  different  causes  are  at  work.  This 
was  not  a  racial  invasion  by  a  body  of  settlers,  who 
hold  together  and  form  a  rival  community  to  the 
natives,  with  a  repellent  attitude.  On  the  contrary,  it 
was  a  far-reaching  raid  of  a  body  of  troops  passing 
through  many  different  tribes,  and  not  displacing  any 
of  them,  but  plundering  each  in  turn.  Thus  the 
Syrian  and  the  Egyptian  were  brought  into  close  per- 
sonal contact. 

Then  at  this  period  the  civilisation  of  Syria  was 
equal  or  superior  to  that  of  Egypt.  No  coats  of  mail 
appear  among  the  Egyptians  in  this  age,  but,  they 
took  200  suits  of  armour  at  the  sack  of  MegTddo 
(23rd  year  Tahutmes  III.),  and  soon  after  such  coats 
of  scale  armour  commonly  appear  in  groups  of  valu- 
ables sculptured  in  the  tombs.  No  gilded  chariots 
appear  in  Egypt,  except  later  than  this,  and  for  royalty; 
but  we  read  of  two  gold-plated  chariots  in  the  sack  of 
Megiddo  (yr.  XXIII),  10  with  gold  and  silver  (yr. 
XXIV),  19  chariots  inlaid  with  silver  (tribute  yr. 
XXXI),  chariots  adorned  with  gold,  silver,  and  colours 
(yr.  XXXIV),  20  chariots  inlaid  with  gold  and  silver 
(yr.  XXXV),  and  nine  more  (yr.  XXXVIII).  Here 
was  luxury  far  beyond  that  of.  the  Egyptians,  and 
technical  work  which  could  teach  them,  rather  than  be 
taught.  In  the  rich  wealth  of  gold  and  silver  vases, 


B.C.  1503-1449.]  INFLUENCE  OF  SYRIA  147 

which  were  greatly  prized  by  the  Egyptians,  we  see 
also  the  sign  of  a  people  who  were  their  equals,  if  not 
their  superiors,  in  taste  and  skill. 

In  what  way,  then,  did  this  civilisation  come  in  con- 
tact with  Egypt?  In  the  most  thorough  way  possible. 
No  sufficient  notice  has  ever  been  taken  of  the  great 
number  of  captives  brought  into  Egypt.  In  the 
biography  of  Aahmes,  of  the  earlier  reigns  of  this 
dynasty,  we  read  that  he  alone  had  6  male  captives 
and  7  females,  and  had  8  others  given  him  from  the 
general  booty,  making  21  captives  taken  into  the 
household  and  estate  of  one  officer  alone.  In  the  later 
biography  of  Amen'enrheb,  under  Tahutmes  III.,  we 
read  of  his  taking  as  many  as  31  or  more  captives. 
These  were  no  exceptional  instances.  Whenever  the 
troops  went  out,  they  seem  to  have  usually  made  many 
captures :  "  to  every  man  a  damsel  or  two,"  like  Sisera's 
custom.  We  have  a  general  view  of  the  results  in  the 
summary  of  each  year's  tribute  and  plunder.  In  eleven 
campaigns,  of  which  the  details  remain,  there  are 
7548  captives  and  slaves,  male  and  female,  mentioned, 
beside  some  lost  numbers,  probably  about  8000  in  all ; 
and  about  400  of  these  are  specified  as  belonging  to 
the  upper  classes.  And  beside  this,  a  tribute  of  girls 
appears  to  have  been  exacted  in  the  tranquil  age  of  the 
later  reigns. 

When  we  consider  whom  the  Egyptians  would  select 
as  tribute,  it  is  obvious  that  they  would  get  the  most 
valuable  labourers  that  they  could.  In  the  sack  of 
Megiddo  it  is  specified  that  the  king  *  *  sent  the  foreign 
workmen  with  the  tribute  southwards."  The  artist  of 
the  chief  of  Tunep  is  figured  as  following  his  captive 
lord,  holding  a  vase  (Fig.  52).  And  the  keenness  with 
which  the  Egyptians  record  all  the  beautiful  and 
luxurious  products  of  the  Syrians,  shows  that  the  work- 
men would  probably  be  more  in  demand  than  other 
kinds  of  slave-tribute.  Beside  the  men  who  would 
bring  in  their  arts  and  skill,  large  numbers  of  the  cap- 
tives appear  to  have  been  women.  We  know,  in  the 
time  of  Amenhotep  III.  and  IV.,  that  even  the  kings 


148 


TAHUTIMES  III 


£DYN.  xvm. 


married  Syrian  princesses  ;  and  as  early  as  the  second 
campaign  of  Tahutmes  III.,  the  daughter  of  a  chief 
was  yielded  to  him  as  tribute.  We  cannot  doubt, 
then,  that  the  female  slaves  were  taken  as  wives  and 
concubines  by  the  Egyptians,  as  also  was  the  Jewish 
custom.  The  striking  change  in  the  physiognomy  and 

ideal  type  of  the  upper 
classes  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty 
points  to  a  strong  foreign 
infusion.  In  place  of  the 
bold,  active  faces  of 
earlier  times,  there  is  a 
peculiar  sweetness  and 
delicacy  ;  a  gentle  smile 
and  a  small,  gracefully- 
curved  nose  are  charac- 
teristic of  the  upper 
classes  in  the  time  of 
Amenhotep  III.  Such 
features  we  know  to 
have  been  found  in 
Syria,  as  in  Thyi,  and 
the  Yanuan  captive  of 
later  time.  Being  of 
such  a  winning  type,  Jj^ 
is  no  wonder  that  they 
were  taken  into  the 
Egyptian  families. 

The  condition,  then, 
was  that  thousands  of 
Syrians,  selected  pro- 
bably for  their  value  in 
either  skill  or  beauty,  were  brought  into  Egypt  largely 
as  the  property  of  the  upper  classes,  and  therefore  settled 
down  in  their  households  and  domains.  Every  Syrian 
workman  would  be  employed  on  the  most  valuable  work 
that  he  could  do,  as  their  products  were  so  much  appre- 
ciated by  the  Egyptians.  Every  Syrian  mother  would 
teach  her  children  somewhat  of  her  own  tongue  and 


FIG.  92. — Usertesen  I.,  Xllth  dynasty, 
Older  Egyptian  type. 


B.C.  I503-I449J 


INFLUENCE  OF  SYRIA 


149 


her  own  thoughts.  And  this  was  going  on  among 
the  ruling  classes,  and  imbuing  them  year  by  year  with 
the  ideas,  tastes,  and  language  of  a  civilisation  equal 
to  their  own.  No  wonder  that,  after  a  few  generations, 
we  find  Semitic  words,  idioms,  and  thoughts  trans- 
fused throughout  the  Egyptian  literature.  No  nation 
could  be  proof  against  such  influences. 

That  large  numbers  of  persons  were  engaged  in  un- 
remunerative  work  in   Egypt,  and  that  the  economic 
state  of  the  land  had  greatly  changed,  is  shown  by  the 
requisition     for     corn. 
In    early    days    buying 
corn  in    Egypt  was   a 
matter   of  course ;    to 
the  Roman,  Egypt  was 
the     granary     of     the 
empire  ;    in    our    days 
the  annual  millions  of 
the   debt  are  paid  for 


FIG.  93.— Head  of  Zey,  XVIIIth  dynasty. 
New  Egypto-Syrian  type.  * 


are 

by  lines  of  ships  laden 
with  beans  and  cotton. 
Egypt  has  always  been 
an  exporting  country, 
except  during  this 
XVIIIth  dynasty,  when 
it  seems  to  have  re- 
quired imports.  From 
Megiddo  the  Egyptians 
carried  off  150,000 
bushels  of  corn  in  one  year,  beside  all  that  they  con- 
sumed. And  every  year  large  tributes  of  harvest  came 
in  both  from  Syria  and  from  Nubia.  The  only  possible 
meaning  of  this  is  that  a  large  part  of  the  population 
was  employed  on  work  that  did  not  produce  food.  For 
if  even  half  the  people  were  agriculturalists,  they  would 
easily  sustain  the  inhabitants  without  needing  imported 
food. 

This  intimate  connection  with  Syrian  craftsmen  and 
Syrian  women  altered  the  nature  of  Egyptian  taste  and 
feelings  more  profoundly  than  any  influence  since  the 


'50 


TAHUTIMES  III 


[DYN.  xvm.  6. 


foundation  of  the  monarchy.  In  language,  as  is  well 
known,  Egypt  became  Semiticised.  In  writing,  the  old 
thick  hieratic,  which  hardly  changed  from  the  earliest 
examples  of  the  Vth  dynasty  down  to  Amenhotep  I., 
suddenly  took  an  entirely  different  character — thin, 
flowing,  and  flourishing.  In  statuary  the  ideal  type 
was  quite  new,  and  the  small-featured  and  fascinatingly 


FIG.  94.— Head  of  a  servant  of  Khaemhat,  XVIIIth  dynasty. 

graceful  faces — such  as  that  of  Ptahmes  II.  in  the 
Florence  Museum,  and  of  Zay  in  the  Ghizeh  Museum — 
show  that  there  was  an  entirely  new  element  in  the 
people.  In  flat  relief  a  new  taste  appears,  there  is  far 
more  expression  of  emotion :  the  old  Egyptian  dealt 
with  incident,  the  new  Egyptian  with  emotions,  the 
flowing  postures  of  the  bewitching  dance,  the  girl  who 


B.C.  T  503-1449-] 


INFLUENCE  OF  SYRIA 


has  had  a  drink  of  wine  and  is  going  off  on  tiptoe, 
tossing  her  head  back  and  holding  up  her  hands  in 
delight  (G.  Mus.,  V.G.  171),  the  children  following  a 
funeral,  and  the  neglected  baby  which  one  has  put  down 
clamouring  to  be  taken  up  again  (Neferhotep  tomb) — 
in  all  these  the  artist  has  given  himself  away  in  quite  a 
new  fashion.  And  in  the  small  objects  and  manufac- 


Vundation  of  temple 


FIG.  95.-— Head  of  a  priestess,  XVIIIth  dynasty. 

tures  as  great  a  change  appears  ;  types  which  were 
unaltered  from  the  Xllth  dynasty  until  Hatshepsut, 
vanish  entirely,  and  new  designs  take  their  place.  In 
the  patterns  of  beads,  in  the  mode  of  glazing,  in  the 
forms  of  dress,  in  the  hairdressing,  in  the  designs  of 
furniture,  and  in  the  painting  of  the  tombs,  the  new 
Egyptian  left  aside  entirely  the  continuous  traditions  of 


TAHUTIMES  III 


[DYN.  xvm.  6.] 


his  forefathers.  Having"  once  broken  the  old  and 
gradually  developing1  system  of  ages,  dazzled  with  the 
taste  for  incongruous  novelties,  the  Egyptian  found  it 
impossible  to  regain  the  old  life;  and  thus  he  passed 
feverishly  from  change  to  change,  from  worse  to  worse, 
until  only  archaistic  revival  was  possible  if  an  improve- 
ment was  attempted,  and  finally  all  the  arts  became 
hopelessly  degraded  in  the  Greek  period. 


XVIII.    7.    AA'KHEPERU'RA 


AMENHOTEP  II.     f    [1 

I'HEO'AN         v^l 


NETER'HEQ'AN 


ID 


about 
1449- 
1423 

B.C. 


Toll  el  HesY  JWJa**  stamp 

Bubastis      *  Scenes  6?orteringr                 ~~ 

Turra  Stele  of  4th  year 

Nubt  Blue  glazed  uas 

Medamot  Pillar  and  lintel 

Karnak  Wall  and  halls,  between  S. 

pylons,  X-XI. 
Scene  with  king,  front  pylon 

IX. 

9y  Red  granite  stele 

99  Blocks  re-used,  before  sanc- 

tuary 
„  Re-erected      columns      by 

obelisks 

Ourneh  Temple  N.  of  Ramesseum 

Erment  Block 

„  Stele  of  conquest,  G.  Mus. 

Silsileh  Name 

Elephantine          Block 

„  Obelisk? 

Aswan  Khaemuas  graffito 

Sehel  Pa 'nehyamen  graffito 

Bigeh  Statue 

Kalabsheh  Pronaos 


(B.M.C.  89). 
(C.N.  ii.  291  ;  Rec. 

Mil.   129). 

(C.N.  ii.  180;  M.K. 

12). 
(C.N.  ii.  183;  L.D. 

iii.  61). 

(C.N.  ii.  185).        ~- 
(C.N.     ii.      140-4; 

M.K.  v.). 
(M.K.  29). 

(L.D.  iii.  62). 
(B.  Rs.  201). 
(A.Z.  iv.  33;  V.G. 

(B!E.  258). 

(M.I.  i.  115). 
(Rev.  A.  i.  ii.  730). 
(M.I.  i.  90,87). 
(M.D.  70,  5). 
(M.I.  1.95,  148). 
(C.N.     1 60;     L.D. 

iii.  63  c). 
(C.M.  54  bisy  i). 


CB.C.  144^-14230  AMENHOTEP  II 


'53 


Ibrim                      Painted  rock  shrine 

5  (C.M.  39). 

1  (L.D.  iii.  63  d). 

Amadeh                 Temple  finishing; 

(L.D.  iii.  65  a-c). 

Haifa,  Wady       Brick    temple,     sandstone 

(C.M.  2,7). 

columns 

Kummeh               Temple  scenes 

(L.D.  iii.  64-67). 

Semneh                  Name  in  temple 

(My.  E.  545) 

Sai                           Remains  of  temple 

(L.L.  237). 

Napata                  Temple  mentioned 

(L.D.  iii.  65  a). 

Statues— 

Before  pylon  IX.             Karnak 

(B.E.  147). 

Granite                              Bigeh 

(C.N.  160). 

Kneeling-                           Beni  Naga 

(L.D.  iii.  70  a-d). 

Large  kneeling-               Turin 

(L.T,  1375). 

Headless,  kneeling        P.  Mus. 

(S.  h.  11). 

Body  of  seated                 Karnak 

(Ms.  G.  426). 

Headless,  seated             Qurneh  temple 

(G.  Mus.). 

Foundation  deposits  Qurneh  temple. 

Ushabtis  Qurneh  (dealers). 

Stele,  king-  adoring  Amen  Luxor  (W.G.  376). 

Vase,  foundation  of  temple  Qurneh          (I^«.  AVI.  30;. 

Paovru«,  51;*  j^s  rans  (Pap.  Rollin,  p.  23). 

leather  roll,  5th  year  (A.Z.  xii.  86). 

Mummy  wrappings  of  Tahutmes  III.  (A.Z.  xx.  132). 

Toilet  box,  Rhine!  Coll.,  Edinburgh. 

Rings  and  scarabs  :  with  mother  (M.A.  ii.  40  n). 

Queen — TA'AA  (A.Z.  xxxi.  29). 

Sons — Tahutmes  IV.,  and  5  or  7  others  (L.D.  iii.  69 a). 

As  no  monuments  are  dated  above  the  fifth  year,  it 
was  thought  that  this  reign  must  have  been  short,  and 
not  have  occupied  25  years  10  months,  as  stated  by 
Manetho.  But  the  Lateran  obelisk  mentions  that  it 
was  set  up  in  this  reign  35  years  after  it  was  abandoned, 
presumably  at  the  death  of  Tahutmes  III.,  who  ordered 
it ;  and  as  Tahutmes  IV.,  who  finished  it,  reigned  9 
years  8  months,  it  shows  that  Amenhotep  II.  must 
have  reigned  over  25  years  and  4  months.  In  short, 
the  obelisk  pretty  well  guarantees  all  but  six  months  of 
the  two  reigns  of  Amenhotep  II.  and  Tahutmes  IV,,  as 
stated  in  Manetho,  and  must  have  been  set  up  only  just 
before  the  death  of  the  latter  king.  And  we  see  below 
that  the  reigns  are  too  short,  rather  than  too  long1,  for 


154 


AA-KHEPERU-RA 


[DYN.  XVIH.  7. 


the  genealogy  Lately  the  absolute  proof  of  the  length 
of  reign  has  "been  found  on  a  wine  jar  dated  in  the  26th 
year  of  Amenhotep  II.,  thus  agreeing  with  Manetho. 

It  appears  that  Amenhotep  II.  cannot  have  been  of 
mature  age  at  his  father's  death  ;  he  is  shown  seated 
on  his  nurse's  knee  (L.D.  iii.  62  c),  and  in  the  tomb  of 
Ra  at  Qurneh,  seated  with  his  mother  behind  him 
(L.D.  iii.  62  b) ;  again  in  the  great  tomb  with  new  year 

gifts  (L.D.  iii.  63),  though 
the  female  figure  behind  the 
king  is  defaced,  yet  among 
the  statues  represented  are 
many  of  the  king,  one  of 
his  mother,  but  none  of  any 
wife  ;  and  also  on  a  scarab 
found  at  Abydos  his  name 
is  side  by  side  with  that  of 
the  "  royal  mother  Meryt* 
ra"(M.A.  ii.  40  n).  Yet  he 
ir.uct  h:rro  be?n  g*-own  up, 
as  in  his  third  year  he  de- 
scribes his  conquests  in  Asia 
on  the  stele  at  Amadeh 
(L.D.  iii.  65  a).  Hence  we 
may  probably  assign  the 
age  of  1 8  to  him  on  hris 
accession  without  erring  far 
on  either  side.  This  implies 
that  he  was  born  when  his 
father  was  about  51  ;  and 
though  it  might  seem  very 

strange  that  no  older  son  of  the  king  was  preferred,  yet 
there  are  other  cases  of  such  choice.  This  selection  of 
younger  sons  as  successors  is  explained  once  in  a  way 
by  the  record  of  the  succession  of  Solomon  ;  probably 
similar  influences  determined  the  affairs  of  the  royal 
harim  in  Egypt. 

Soon  after  his  accession,  the  young  king  went  forth 
with  his  father's  veterans  to  make  a  customary  raid  on 
Asia,  and  establish  his  renown.  His  personal  exploits, 


FIG.  96.— Amenhotep  II.  and  his 
nurse. 


B.C.  I449-I423-1  AMENHOTEP  II  155 

though  of  no  effect  on  the  war,  are  chronicled  at 
Thebes.  The  date  of  the  affair  is  lost,  but  it  must 
have  been  in  the  first  and  second  years  of  his  reign, 
because  early  in  the  third  year  a  tablet  was  erected  at 
Amadeh  recording  the  victories.  The  record  at  Karnak 
begins  by  saying  that  the  king  went  to  some  land,  as 
to  the  city  of  Shemesh-atuma  (in  south  Galilee) :  "  His 
Majesty  there  had  success,  His  Majesty  himself  there 
made  captives,  for  behold  he  was  as  a  terrible  lion*that 
puts  to  flight  the  country  of  ...  nen  .  .  .  sakhu  is 
his  name.  Account  of  that  which  His  Majesty  himself 
took  in  this  day.  Living  prisoners  Satiu  18,  oxen  19. 

"The  26th  day  of  Pakhons  (ist  year)  passed  His 
Majesty  over  the  arm  of  water  of  Arseth  (?  Harosheth 
on  the  Kishon,  Arseth  LXX.)  in  this  day.  His  Majesty 
passed  over  charging  as  the  valour  of  Mentu  of  Thebes. 
His  Majesty  turned  his  head  to  examine  the  horizon 
(shading  his  eyes  with  his  hand) ;  behold  His  Majesty 
saw  some  Satiu  coming  on  horses,  then  His  Majesty 
went  to  attack.  Behold  His  Majesty  was  armed  with 
his  weapons,  and  His  Majesty  fought  like  Set  in  his 
hour.  They  gave  way  when  His  Majesty  looked  at  one 
of  them,  and  they  fled.  His  Majesty  took  all  their 
goods  himself,  with  his  spear  .  .  .  and  he  took  the 
Sati  at  the  frontier,  and  spoiled  him  of  all  his  arms. 
His  Majesty  returned  in  joy,  his  father  Amen  had  given 
to  him  his  prey.  Account  of  what  His  Majesty  took 
this  day  .  .  .  arms  of  war,  4  ?  bows,  a  quiver  full  of 
arrows  with  its  leather  band,  and  the  goods. 

"The  loth  of  Hathor  (in  2nd  year,  nearly  six  months 
later)  His  Majesty  went  in  peace  this  day  to  the  town  of 
Niy  ;  behold  the  Satiu  of  this  town,  men  and  women, 
were  on  the  walls  to  adore  His  Majesty  ..."  (C.N. 
ii.  185;  A.Z.  xvii.  55,  xxvii.  39;  S.B.A.  xi.  422). 
This  expedition  was  of  some  importance  to  establish 
the  power  of  the  new  reign  ;  it  does  not,  however, 
-seem  to  have  been  a  re-conquest,  as  were  so  many 
expeditions,  but  rather  a  promenade  as  far  as  the 
Euphratean  frontier,  to  check  what  disaffection  existed, 
and  to  assert  the  Egyptian  power  over  the  vassals, 


158  AA'KHEPERU  -RA  [DYN.  xvm.  7. 

tablets  of  the  empire  at  Naharina  (North  Syria)  and  in 
Kary  (South  Ethiopia).  The  occasion  for  this  tablet 
appears  to  have  been  on  reopening*  the  quarries  of 
Turra  for  some  public  building-  (V.P.  iii.  94). 

In  the  Delta  there  is  but  an  uncertain  trace  of  this 
king  in  the  three  much-usurped  granite  columns  found 
at  Alexandria  ;  though  probably  from  the  Delta,  there 
is  no  certainty  about  them  (Rec.  vii.  177).  In  Middle 
Egypt  no  remains  of  the  reign  have  been  recorded, 
except  four  scarabs  at  Gurob  (P.K.  xxiii. ;  P.I.  xxiii.). 
At  Nubt,  opposite  Koptos,  an  immense  uas  of  blue 
glaze  was  found  in  the  temple  (S.  Kens.  Mus.).  At 
Medatnot,  near  Karnak,  a  pillar  of  red  granite  was 
seen  (C.N.  ii.  291),  and  a  lintel  also  of  red  granite 
(Rec.  vii.  129). 

At  Karnak  some  small  works  were  undertaken.  The 
eastern  wall  joining  the  two  southernmost  pylons 
(X.— XI.)  was  built,  and  the  building  of  unusual  type 
which  stands  in  the  middle  of  this  wall.  As  it  is 
neither  temple  nor  palace,  it  has  been  suggested  that 
this  was  a  guard  hall,  or  a  resting-place  of  processions  ; 
or  it  might  have  been  an  audience  hall.  The  form  is 
that  of  a  colonnade  front  facing  north  -  west,  and 
behind  it  a  great  court  of  twenty  pillars,  flanked  on  either 
side  by  three  chambers  connected  together. 

On  the  front  of  the  pylon  of  Tahutmes  I.  (No.  IX.)^ 
Amenhotep  has  inserted  two  scenes  of  his  slaying  his 
foes  (L.D.  iii.  61  ;  C.N.  ii.  183).  Several  blocks  with 
his  name  were  re-used  by  Sety  II.  in  reconstructing  the 
buildings  before  the  granite  sanctuary  ;  these  are  seen 
on  the  south  side  of  the  court  with  lotus  pillars  (C.N. 
ii.  140,  144),  and  in  chamber  I.  (M.K.  v.).  He  also  re- 
erected  the  columns  in  the  southern  half  of  the  hall 
containing  Hatshepsut's  obelisks  (M.K.  29).  Nothing 
strikes  us  as  more  extraordinary  than  the  condition  of 
injury  and  confusion  in  which  the  most  important 
buildings  of  Egypt  seem  to  have  remained.  The  most 
imposing  works  stood  amidst  half  ruined  and  unfinished 
halls  for  a  whole  reign  ;  other  parts  were  walled  off,  to 
hide  offensive  memorials  ;  other  structures  were  either 


B,C.  1449-1433-]  AMENHOTEP  II 


159 


incomplete  -or  half  ruined.  This  rage  for  alteration 
culminates  under  Ramessu  II.,  with  results  fatal  for 
history. 

At  Qurneh  the  funeral  temple  of  the  king"  stood 
next  north  of  the  Ramesseum.  It  was  rearranged  by 
Amenhotep  III.  for  his  daughter  Sitamen.  A  statue 
and  foundation  deposits  were  found  on  the  site.  Until 
this  latter  temple  was  built,  there  was  a  regular 
chronological  series  of  buildings  from  north  to  south  ; 
Amenhotep's  temple  was  near  the  end  of  Drah  abul 
Negga,  Tahutmes  I.  and  II.  built  at  Deir  el  Bahri. 
Tahutmes  III.,  Amenhotep  II.,  Tahutmes  IV.,  and 
Amenhotep  III.  all  follow  in  regular  series  southwards 
to  the  Kom  el  Hettan. 

At  Erment  a  block  was  noticed  by  Brugsch  (Reisab. 
201),  and  a  large  stele  containing  a  copy  of  the 
inscription  of  the  first  half  of  the  Amadeh  tablet  was 
found  here,  and  is  now  at  Vienna  (A.Z.  iv.  33).  At 
Silsileh  the  king's  name  occurs  by  the  tomb  of  Amatu 
(B.E.  258).  A  block  at  Elephantine  shows  that  here 
again  the  king  had  been  building  or  repairing  temples 
(M.I.  i.  115).  An  obelisk  described  by  Prisse  (Rev. 
Arch,  i  ser.  ii.  2,  730)  perhaps  came  from  there  also. 
Near  Aswan  are  two  graffiti  of  Kha'envuas  (L.D.  iii. 
63 b;  M.I.  i.  90,  87),  and  another  adoration  of  the 
king  with  the  name  lost  (M.I.  i.  91,  103)  ;  while  at 
Sehel  is  a  graffito  of  Pa'nehyamen  adoring  the  name 
of  Amenhotep  II.,  set  on  a  stand  (M.I.  i.  95,  148).  On 
the  island  of  Bigeh,  by  Philae,  is  a  granite  colossus  of 
a  mummified  form  like  Ptah  (C.N.  160). 

In  Nubia,  work  was  continued  actively  in  this  reign. 
At  Kalabsheh,  on  the  pronaos,  is  a  scene  of  the  king 
offering  to  Min  and  to  the  Nubian  god  Merutru-hor-ra 
(C.M.  54  bis,  i).  At  Ibrim  is  a  painted  rock  shrine, 
showing  Amenhotep  enthroned  in  a  pavilion,  a  feather- 
bearer  before  him  and  fan-bearer  behind ;  at  the  back 
of  the  pavilion  is  Sati ;  before  it  comes  a  procession  of 
men  leading  captive  lions,  greyhounds,  and  wolves. 
The  inscription  can  still  be  read,  naming  113  live  wolves 
(C.N.  i.  84;  C.M.  39).  Another  scene  here  shows  the 


i6o 


AA-KHEPERU-RA 


[DYN.  xvm.  7. 


king  offering  to  Khnum,   Sati,  Anuke,  Sopd,  Hathor, 
and  Nekhcb  (L.D.  iii.  63d). 

At  Amadeh  he  appears  to  have  finished  the  temple 
sculptures  which  were  in  progress  at  the  death  of  his 
father ;  and  a  short  co-regency  is  indicated  by  two 
doorways  which  have  the  cartouches  of  Tahutmes  III. 
and  Amenhotep  II.  arranged  evidently  at  the  same 
time  (L.D.  iii.  65  b,  c)  ;  while  elsewhere  the  latter 
appears  alone  (d,  e).  The  work  was  continued  here 
till  the  3rd  year,  at  least,  when  the  great  historical 
tablet  was  engraved. 


FIG.  98. — Kneeling  statue  of  Amenhotep  II.     Berlin. 

At  Wady  Haifa  the  brick  temple  contained  pillars  of 
this  king  (C.M.  2,  7).  At  Kummeh  the  sculptures 
were  also  in  progress  at  the  death  of  Tahutmes  III., 
whose  name  appears  on  the  dividing  bands,  while  the 
scenes  are  of  Amenhotep  II.  offering  to  Khrium  and 
Usertesen  III.  (L.D.  iii.  64 b,  66).  Two  great  door- 
ways are  of  Amenhotep  II.  (L.D.  iii.  67).  At  Semneh 
his  name  appears  in  the  temple  (My.  E.  545).  At  the 
island  of  Sai  are  remains  of  a  temple  of  this  time 
(L.L.  237).  And  the  temple  of  Napata  in  Ethiopia  is 
named  on  the  Amadeh  inscription  as  the  place  of 
execution  of  one  of  the  Syrian  princes. 


B.C.  1449-14*3-]  AMENHOTEP  II  161 

The  statues  of  Amenhotep  II.  are  less  common  than 
those  of  his  father.  A  battered  colossus  in  white 
limestone  stands  in  front  of  pylon  IX.  at  Karnak  ;  a 
very  fine  torso,  with  the  nose  and  chin  struck  off,  is 
also  from  Karnak  (G.  Mus.)  ;  and  the  mummiform 
colossus  at  Bigeh  is  in  red  granite.  The  seated 
Osiride  statue  of  grey  granite  was  found  in  his  temple 
at  Qurneh  ;  unfortunately  the  head  is  lost  (G.  Mus.). 
There  are  three  kneeling  statues  holding  a  globular 
vase  of  offering  in  each  hand ;  one  at  Turin  (L.T. 
1375),  and  smaller  ones  at  Paris  (Cat.  sal.  hist.,  p.  n), 
and  from  Beni  Naga,  at  Berlin  (L.D.  iii.  70).  This 
attitude  was  apparently  introduced  for  statuary  by  this 
king,  as  two  other  such  images  of  him  are  figured 
in  a  tomb  at  Qurneh  (L.D.  iii.  63,  64). 

A  stele  with  the  king  adoring  Amen  was  in  the 
"  French  House"  at  Luxor  (W.G.  376).  An  alabaster 
vase,  from  a  foundation  deposit  of  the  "  temple  of  the 
west "  at  Thebes,  is  in  Paris  (Rec.  xvi.  30).  A  papyrus, 
dated  in  the  5th  year,  on  the  iQth  of  Phamenoth, 
contains  praises  of  Amenhotep  II.,  saying  that  he  was 
grown  and  instructed  by  the  deities  Shay  and  Renent 
(Pap.  Rollin,  15,  p.  23).  The  leather  roll  at  Berlin 
concerning  Usertesen  founding  the  temple  of  Heliopolis 
is  probably  of  this  reign,  and  not  of  Amenhotep  IV. 
(A.Z.  xii.  86).  On  the  mummy  wrappings  of  Tahutmes 
III.  is  inscribed  that  "Amenhotep  made  his  monu- 
ments of  his  father,  Men'kheperra,"  referring  to  his 
embalming.  A  part  of  a  beautiful  toilet  box  of  ebony 
and  ivory  bears  the  cartouches  of  this  king :  it  was 
found  by  Rhind  at  Thebes  (Edinburgh  Museum). 

The  scarabs  and  amulets  of  this  reign  show  a  new 
departure.  Oval  plaques,  flat  on  both  sides,  and 
bearing  figures,  came  much  into  use  in  this  and  the 
next  reign,  but  disappear  afterwards ;  they  were 
specially  used  for  rings,  in  order  to  lie  flat  on  the 
finger.  Their  disappearance  is  due  to  the  increase  of 
rings  made  all  in  one  piece  under  Amenhotep  III. 
Scroll  work  on  the  old  pattern  reappears  at  this  time 
(P.Sc.  1097),  and  the  base  imitation  of  it  by  a  row  of 
n— n 


162 


AA-KHEPERU-RA 


[DVN.  XVIH.  7. 


concentric  circles.  Another,  and  characteristic,  device 
was  that  of  two,  four,  or  six  uraei,  arranged  in  pairs 
around  the  cartouche  or  an  emblem.  Sentences  also  come 
more  into  use  on  scarabs,  such  as  "Amenhotep  II., 
born  at  Memphis,"  "  setting  up  obelisks  in  the  house 


FIG.  99.  — Scarab  with 
Amenhotep  as  a 
sphinx,  hawk- 
headed,  trampling 
on  a  captive.  F.  P. 
Coll. 


FIG.  100.— Scarab  with 
six  uraei.  Brit. 
Mus. 


FIG.  101.  —  Scarab. 
1  'Aa  *  kheperu  •  ra, 
born  at  Men'nefer" 
(Memphis).  F.P. 
Coll. 


of  Amen."  "  The  good  god,  lion  over  Egypt,  lord  of 
might,  giving  life  like  the  sun;"  "lord  of  glories  in 
the  house  of  Amen,"  etc.  The  reference  to  his  birth 
is  of  interest,  as  showing  that  the  court  probably 
resided  at  Memphis  some  time  in  his  father's  reign. 


The  private  monuments  of  this  age  are  of  great 
beauty  and  importance,  often  preserving  records  jaf 
public  affairs  in  which  the  various  officials  were 
engaged,  and  particularly  of  the  foreign  tributes  which 
they  received  for  the  king.  The  principal  private 
works  are  as  follow  : — 

Tomb  of  RA,  husband  of  the  king's  nurse,  high 
priest  of  Amen  and  of  Tahutmes  III.  :  contains  a  fine 
scene  of  the  king  and  his  mother  Merytra,  and  also  of 
the  king  on  his  nurse's  lap  (L.D.  iii.  62).  Many  fine 
vases  are  shown  in  this  tomb  (P.A.  102).  Qurneh. 

Tomb  of  HOREMHEB,  a  high  official,  with  scenes  of 
recruiting,  receiving  tribute,  etc.  ;  and  recording  his 
devotion  to  Tahutmes  III.,  to  his  son  Amenhotep  II., 
to  his  son  Tahutmes  IV.,  and  to  his  son  Amenhotep 
III.  (M.A.F,  v.  432).  Qurneh, 


B.C.  1449-1423.] 


PRIVATE  MONUMENTS 


163 


Tomb  of  PA*SAR,  a  follower  of  the  king  in  all  lands 
(B.E.  193).  Qurneh. 

Tomb  of  AMEN'EM'HEB,  with  fine  painting  and  im- 
portant historical  inscription  of  his  wars,  quoted  under 
the  previous  reign  (M.A.F.).  Qurneh. 

Tomb  of  SEN-NEFER  and  his  sister  Meryt  (B.E.):  he 
was  "  the  noble  of  the  south  city/'  i.e.  Thebes ;  and  a 


FIG.  102.— Glass  and  stone  vases.    Tomb  of  Ra. 

statue  of  him  seated  was  found  at  Nubt  (F.  P.  Coll.). 
A  stele  of  a  Sen*nefer,  perhaps  the  same,  adoring 
Amenhotep  I.,  Nefertari,  Tahutmes  I.  and  III., 
Sa'paar,  and  Amenhotep  II.,  is  in  Turin  (L.T.  1455  ; 
Champ.  Figeac  Eg.  Anc.  pi.  67).  Qurneh. 

Tomb  of  AMEN*EM*HAT  at  Silsileh  (S.B.A.  xii.  96). 

TombofAmen-ken  (Qurneh), showing  the  mostsplendid 
drawings  of  a  series  of  new  year  presents.  Amenhotep 


164  AMENHOTEP  II  [DYN.  xvm.  7. 

II.  is  seated  ;  with  his  wife  or  mother  behind  him,  now 
destroyed.  Before  him  is  a  splendid  tree  of  goldwork 
of  conventional  forms  (which  were  afterwards  developed 
into  the  sacred  tree  of  Assyria),  and  with  monkeys 
climbing  about  it.  A  chariot  of  silver  and  gold  and 
images  of  carved  work  in  ebony  are  mentioned.  Then 
come  statues  of  Amenhotep  II.  and  his  ka,  of  Tahutmes 
I.  and  his  ka  (which  are  dark),  eight  of  Amenhotep  II., 
and  one  of  Hatshepset  Merytra.  Then  seven  sphinxes 
of  the  king,  two  kneeling  statues  holding,  altars,  and 
two  kneeling  statues  with  vases,  all  of  the  king.  Then 
come  rows  of  collars  of  jewellery,  of  shields,  quivers, 
coats  of  scale  armour,  daggers,  axes,  and  a  gazelle, 
an  oryx,  and  an  ibex,  on  stands.  The  materials  of  the 
following  objects  are  specified  :  330  leather  quivers,  680 
leather  shields,  ebony  throw-sticks  with  gold  ends  and 
silver  handles,  220  whips  of  chased  gold  and  ebony, 
2  pelican  heads  of  bronze,  140  bronze  daggers,  360 
falchions  of  bronze,  a  mirror  of  carved  ebony,  variegated 
glass  vases,  a  throne,  feather  fans,  etc.  (L.D.  iii. 
63 a,  64 a).  (See  Additional  Notes.) 

Other  private  remains  are  a  stele  of  Nebua  at  Abydos 
(M.A.  ii.  33  a) ;  a  kneeling  statue  of  Anher,  a  priest  of 
Anher  at  Abydos  (M.A.  372) ;  a  group  of  Kha'envuas 
and  his  wife  in  the  Vatican  (W.G.  376)  ;  probably  the 
same  man  whose  graffiti  occur  at  Sehel ;  stele  o£~ 
Nefer'hebt'f,  second  prophet  of  Amenhotep  II.  (B. 
Mus.),  and  cones  of  his  (M.A.F.  viii.  277,  55) ;  and  a 
piece  of  a  granite  statue  of  a  general  of  Amenhotep 
(F.  Mus.,  S.  Cat.  F.  1504). 

The  queen  of  Amenhotep  II.,  Ta*aa,  is  recorded  on  a 
double  statue  of  her  and  her  son  Tahutmes  IV.  She  is 
called  "  royal  mother  and  wife,"  showing  her  to  be  his 
mother  (A.Z.  xxxi.  29).  She  could  not  have  been  his 
wife,  as  the  mother  of  Amenhotep  III.  is  known  to 
have  been  Mut'envua,  so  it  is  impossible  that  another 
"  royal  mother  "  could  have  been  wife  of  Tahutmes  IV. 
This  is  important,  as  otherwise,  from' her  figure  in  the 
tomb  of  Thenuna  (C.N.  481)  being  only  entitled  royal 
wife,  along  with  Tahutmes  IV.,  it  was  naturally 


ft  c  1449-14*3.1  PRIVATE  MONUMENTS  165 

supposed  that  she  was  the  wife  of  him,  and  not  of  his 
father,  Amenhotep  II.,  as  was  really  the  case.  Her 
son  Tahutmes  IV.  is  stated  to  be  son  of  Amenhotep 
II.  in  the  tomb  of  Horenvheb  (M.A.F.  v.  434).  A 
princess,  Amen'errrapt,  is  shown  on  the  knee  of 
Horemheb  in  his  tomb  ;  but  as  he  lived  through  four 
reigns,  we  cannot  settle  her  position  (M.A.F.  v.  434). 
Probably  there  were  five  or  seven  other  sons  of  Amen- 
hotep II.  ;  for  in  the  tomb  of  the  tutor  of  Tahutmes 
IV.,  Hek'erneheh  (L.D.  iii.  69  a),  where  Tahutmes  is 
a  boy  on  the  tutor's  knee,  there  are  several  other  king's 
sons  represented  ;  unhappily  all  their  names  have  been 
erased,  and  from  the  absence  of  any  other  mention  of 
them,  it  would  seem  as  if  their  royal  brother  was 
unkind  to  their  memory,  if  not  to  themselves, 


XVIII.  8.    MEN'KHEPRU'RA 

1        .1111111,     MJJi      i        • 

1423- 

I  1414  B.C. 


TAHUTMES  IV,     (T^Tffi  A  Hi 
KHA-KHAU  VS^y  i  I  i    TITJ| 


Sarbut  el  Khadem  (My.  E.  351). 

Alexandria  Columns  (Rec.  vii.  178). 

Gizeh  Stele  of  sphinx  (L.D.  iii.  68). 

Abydos  Statue  (M.A.  350). 

Dendera  Fragment  (D.D.  iii.  b). 

Karnak  Scene  on  pylon  IV.  (M.K.  28). 

,,  List  on  wall  round  (M.K.  xxxiii.). 

obelisk 

,,  Colossus  before  pylon  (W.G.  378). 

8urneh  Temple  S.  of  Ramesseum. 

uxor  Scene  in  birth-hall  (M.A.F.  xv.  204). 

El  Kab  Building  of  small  (L.D.  iii.  Sob). 

temple 

Elephantine  Fragments  (M.I.  i.  115). 

Konosso  Steles  (L.D.  iii.  696?  M.L  i. 

66,  68,  69,  73). 

Sehel  Stele  (M.I.  i.  90). 

Amadeh  In  temple  (C.M.  44,  45,  59 }  L.D. 

iii.  69f~i). 
Scarabs,  rings,  uza  eyes,  etc. 


166 


MEN-KHEPRU'RA 


[DYN.  xvm.  8. 


Queens — MuT'EM'UA  Luxor 


Arat? 
Sons — Tahutmes 

Amenhotep  III. 


(M.A.F.  xv.  63-7). 
Bark,  B.  Mus.    (A.B.  34). 
Konosso  (L.D.  iii.  696). 

Scarab  (W.G.  378). 

Tomb  (M.A.F.  v.  432), 


But  few  public  monuments  refer  to  the  history  of  this 
reign.  The  first  reference  to  the  new  king  is  on  a 
great  tablet  which  he  erected  between  the  paws  of  the 
Sphinx  at  Gizeh.  He  there  relates  an  adventure  of  his 
youth.  After  the  usual  titles  and  religious  formalities, 
we  read  :  "  He  once  went  afield,  pleasing  his  counten- 
ance, on  the  desert  of  the  Memphite  nome,  upon  its 


FIG.  103.— Boy  shooting  at  a  target. 

borders  north  and  south,  for  shooting  at  a  target  with 
copper  (arrows).  And  he  hunted  the  lions  and  the 
gazelles  of  the  desert,  riding  in  his  chariot,  his  horses 
swifter  than  the  wind,  with  two  of  his  followers,  and  no 
man  knew  of  them. 

"  Once  came  an  hour  of  giving  rest  to  his  followers, 
«  .  .  then  the  sphinx  of  Khepra,  great  and  exalted, 
rested  in  this  place,  great  of  spirits,  most  highly 
revered,  for  to  him  was  given  the  temples  of  Memphis 
and  of  every  town  upon  both  sides.  Their  hands 
adored  his  presence  with  great  offerings  for  his  ka. 
One  of  these  times  it  came  to  pass  a  journey  was  made 
by  the  king's  son  Tahutmes,  journeying  upon  the  time 
of  noon.  A  rest  he  made  in  the  shadow  of  this  god, 


B.C.  1423-1414.1  TAHUTMES  IV  t6; 

sleep  fell  upon  him,  dreaming  in  slumber  in  the  moment 
when  the  sun  was  overhead.  Found  he  the  majesty  of 
this  noble  god,  talking  to  him  by  his  mouth,  speaking 
like  the  talk  of  a  father  to  his  son,  saying,  *  Look  thou 
at  me  !  Behold  thou  me !  my  son  Tahutmes,  I  am 
thy  father,  Horenvakht,  Khepra,  Ra,  and  Turn, 
giving  to  thee  the  kingdom.  On  thee  shall  be  placed 
its  white  crown  and  its  red  crown,  on  the  throne  of  Seb 
the  heir.  There  is  given  to  thee  the  land  in  its  length 
and  its  breadth,  which  is  lightened  by  the  bright  eye  of 
the  universal  lord.  Provision  is  before  thee  in  the  two 
lands,  and  the  great  gifts  of  all  foreign  lands,  and  the 
duration  of  a  great  space  of  years.  My  face  is  towards 
thee,  my  heart  is  towards  thee.  .  .  .  The  sand  of  the 
desert  on  which  I  am  reaches  to  me,  spoiling  me ; 
perform  thou  that  which  is  in  my  heart,  for  I  know 
that  thou  art  my  son  who  reverences  me  ;  draw  near, 
and  behold  I  am  with  thee.' "  The  rest  of  the  tablet  is 
nearly  all  destroyed  by  the  scaling  of  the  surface,  and 
only  fragments  remain,  one  of  which  names  king 
Khafra. 

Here  we  see  how  the  young  prince  spent  his  youth  in 
hunting  and  field  sports,  up  in  the  desert  with  a  couple 
of  followers,  lost  to  the  sight  of  man  ;  this  account,  and 
that  of  the  noonday  rest  in  the  shadow,  are  most 
lifelike  phrases  to  anyone  who  knows  desert  wandering. 

In  the  first  year  of  his  reign,  then,  the  king  ordered 
this  tablet  to  be  set  up,  in  memory  of  his  dream  and 
his  clearing  of  the  Sphinx  from  sand.  No  great  respect 
was  shown  for  the  work  of  Khafra,  as  the  block  taken 
for  the  inscription  was  a  granite  lintel  stolen  from  the 
temple  of  Khafra  close  by.  And  although  the  name  of 
Khafra  occurs  in  this  inscription,  yet,  owing  to  the 
unfortunately  broken  state  of  it,  there  is  nothing  to 
show  whether  the  Sphinx  was  attributed  to  Khafra, 
whether  it  was  said  to  be  by  the  side  of  the  temple  of 
Khafra,  or  in  what  way  the  connection  with  Khafra  is 
involved. 

From  a  stele  of  Amenhotep,  a  follower  of  the  king, 
we  learn  of  his  campaigns  in  the  north  in  Naharina, 


168  MEN-KHEPRU-RA  tow.  xvm.  i 

and  in  the  south  to  Kari  (B.  Mus.,  S.I.  93).  And  his 
first  campaign  was  against  .  .  .  a  (probably  Naharina), 
as  inscribed  on  the  east  face  of  the  wall  built  around 
the  obelisk  of  Hatshepsut  (M.K.  33).  Another  frag- 
ment mentions  a  campaign  against  the  Kheta  (B.H. 


The  VI  th  year  is  named  in  the  tomb  of  Duy  (C.N. 
502). 

In  the  Vllth  year,  on  Phamenoth  8,  is  dated  a  rock- 


FIG.  104,— Head  of  Tahutmes  IV. 

cut  stele  at  Konosso,  with  a  queen  standing  behind  the 
king,  referring  to  his  smiting  the  Nubians. 

In  the  Vlllth  year  is  dated  a  long  stele  at  Konosso, 
on  Phamenoth  2,  mentioning"  his  smiting*  Wawat  (M.I. 
i.  66). 

It  appears,  then,  that  the  earlier  years  of  his  reign 
were  occupied  with  asserting  his  power  in  Syria,  and 
in  the  later  years  Nubia  occupied  his  attention.  He 
died  after  reigning  9  years  and  8  months,  according*  to 
Manetho. 

Turning  now  to  the  details  of  his  monuments.     He 


B.C.  1423-14*4.1  TAHUTMES  IV  169 

continued  the  work  at  the  Sinaitic  mines,  where  his 
name  is  found  at  Sarbut  el  Khadem  (My.  E.  351).  The 
columns  found  at  Alexandria  (Rec.  vii.  178),  now  at 
Vienna,  may  have  come  from  some  work  in  the  Delta. 

Gizeh  was  then  a  deserted  group  of  pyramids  and 
tombs  in  the  desert,  as  it  is  now ;  and  the  action  of  the 
king  in  clearing  the  Sphinx  must  have  made  a  revival 
of  attention  to  the  region.  The  tablet  was,  however, 
merely  taken  from  the  neighbouring  temple,  and  no 
great  works  were  ordered  for  this  business.  It  is 
remarkable  to  see  how  completely  the  old  tied  lotus 
flowers  of  the  I  Vth  dynasty  had  dropped  out  of  know- 
ledge by  this  time  ;  their  nature  was  forgotten,  and  a 
senseless  imitation  of  them  was  made,  copied  from  the 
old  work  which  was  to  be  seen  in  this  neighbourhood. 


FIG.  105. — Original  group  of  FIG.    106. — Modification   of 

tied  lotus  flowers.  group.    Tahutmes  IV. 

At  Abydos  a  torso  of  a  statue  in  white  silicious  lime- 
stone was  found,  with  the  name  on  the  girdle  (M.A. 
350).  At  Dendera  a  fragment  of  his  work  remains 
(D.D.  Hi.  b). 

Karnak  was  not  honoured  by  any  building  of  this 
king,  but  he  engraved  scenes  on  a  gateway  added  to 
the  entrance  of  pylon  IV.  The  south  jamb  and  the 
lintel  has  gone  ;  but  on  the  north  jamb,  on  its  west  and 
north  sides,  are  his  inscriptions.  Mariette,  however, 
from  the  workmanship,  regards  this  part  as  having 
been  re-engraved  by  Shabaka  (M.K.  p.  28;  L.D.  Hi. 
69  d).  On  the  east  face  of  the  wall  which  Tahutmes 
III.  had  built  up  around  Hatshepsut's  obelisk,  to  hide 


170  MEN'KHEPRU'RA  [DYN.XVHI.B. 

her  inscription,  this  king  added  a  list  of  donations  to 
Amen,  on  his  return  from  his  first  campaign  ;  and  he 
mentions  statues  of  his  grandfather  and  himself.  He 
also  set  up  a  colossus  of  himself  before  the  pylon  of 
Tahutmes  I.  (W.G.  378).  At  Qurneh  was  the  funeral 
temple,  now  destroyed,  of  which  fragments  of  sculpture 
and  part  of  a  colossal  head  were  found. 

At  Luxor,  though  Mut'envua  the  queen  often  appears 
in  connection  with  the  infancy  of  her  great  son,  yet  the 
king  is  not  shown,  as  the  paternity  of  Amenhotep  III. 
is  ascribed  directly  to  the  god  Amen  (M.A.F.  xv.  fig. 
203-4). 

At  El  Kab  the  small  temple  was  begun  by  this  king, 
though  finished  by  his  son,  who  says:  "Behold  this 
was  made  by  the  majesty  the  king  Maa'neb'ra,  beauti- 
fying monuments  of  his  father  the  good  god  Men* 
khepnrra,  named  everlasting  and  eternal"  (L.D.  iii. 
Sob). 

At  Elephantine  his  name  appears  on  some  fragments 
of  the  temples  (M.I.  i.  115).  At  Konosso  are  four 
memorials  of  this  reign  ;  the  king  appears  smiting  the 
negroes  before  the  gods  of  Nubia,  Dedun  and  He, 
while  behind  him  stands  a  queen,  who  was  royal 
daughter,  sister,  and  wife  (L.D.  iii.  69  b)  ;  her  name  is 
written  with  the  uraeus  on  neb^  and  is  read  Ar*at ;  but 
as  this  is  the  only  trace  of  her  existence,  it  may  be  that— 
this  is  merely  an  idiogram  for  the  "  goddess  queen," 
and  may  refer  to  Mut'envua.  Beside  this,  there  is  a 
long  inscription  of  forty  lines,  of  which  the  first  twenty- 
three  are  published  (M.I.  i.  66) ;  another  inscription, 
unpublished  (I.e.  68) ;  a  double  cartouche  (I.e.  69) ;  and 
a  scene  of  Khnum  and  Min,  carved  by  the  divine  father 
Ha*ankh*f*,  and  the  suten  rekh  Neb'ankh  (I.e.  73).  At 
Sehel  is  another  graffito  of  the  king's  son  Mes  (Lc.  84). 

At  Amadeh,  Tahutmes  IV.  worked  considerably 
(C.N.  i.  96-100) ;  the  architraves  bear  his  inscriptions 
(L.D.  iii.  69  f) :  other  inscriptions  and  a  scene  of  his 
are  also  published  (69  g,  h,  i),  and  a  figure  of  the  king 
(C.M.  45,  6). 

Of  small  remains  there  are  many  scarabs,  rings,  etc. 


TAHUTMES  IV 


171 


The  most  important  is  one  with  the  figure  of  his  son, 
Prince  Tahutmes  (Tyszkiewicz  Coll.,  W.G.  378);  others 
bear  the  usual  adulation  of  this  age,  "rich  in  glories, " 


FIG.  107. — Scarab  of 
Tahutmes  IV., 
"  mighty  in  glories. " 
P.P.  Coll. 


FIG.  108.—  Scarab  of 
Tahutmes  IV. , 
"establishing 
monuments."  F.P. 
Coll. 


FIG.  109.  —  Green 
glaze  ring,  Tahut- 
mes IV.  F.P.  Coll. 


"the  glory  of  all  lands,"  and  "establishing  monu- 
ments." A  green  glazed  pottery  ring  of  his  is  the 
earliest  such  ring  known. 

The  private  works  of  this  reign  are  finer  than  the 
public  remains.  The  principal  tombs  are  those  of — 

Thenunay  fan-bearer,  with  figures  of  the  king  and  of 
his  mother  Ta'aa  (C.N.  480-1,  829).  Qurneh. 

Amenhotep  and  his  wife  Roy,  with  designs  of  a 
sculptor  chiselling  a  royal  statue,  and  the  king's  name 
by  a  second  statue  ;  also  scribes  weighing  gold,  and 
many  figures  of  collars,  boxes,  vases,  etc.  (C.N.  480; 
C.M.  cliv.  3  ;  cxci.).  Qurneh. 

Zanuni)  with  scenes  of  conscription,  and  of  various 
soldiers,  some  bearing  square  banners  with  designs  of 
wrestlers,  and  of  the  king's  name  with  titles,  such  as 
"lord  of  his  might,"  and  "lord  of  strength  "  (C.N. 
484;  C.M.  clvii.).  He  states  that  he  took  a  "census 
of  the  land  to  its  bounds  before  His  Majesty,  an  inspec- 
tion of  all  things,  soldiers,  priests,  royal -serfs,  artisans 
of  all  the  country,  and  of  all  cattle,  all  fowls,  and  all 
small  cattle,  by  the  scribe  of  troops,  loved  of  His 
Majesty,  Zanuni  "  (Rec.  iv.  130).  A  stele  of  this  officer 
is  also  preserved  (T.  Mus.;  Rec.  iv.  129).  Qurneh. 

Hor'em  'heb>  a  magnificent  tomb,  with  family  scenes  ; 


172 


TAHUTMES  IV 


YN.  XVIII.  8. 


groups  of  the  conscription  and  registration  ;  lines  of 
foreigners  bearing  tribute,  both  Asiatics  and  negroes ; 
and  long  processions,  with  all  the  varieties  of  the 
funeral  furniture  (M.A.F.  v.  413).  Qurneh. 

x,  a  fan-bearer :  scenes  of  census-taking,  but  much 
destroyed  (C.N.  497-8). 

Piayi  chief  prophet  and  follower  of  Tahutmes  IV., 
keeper  of  the  boats  of  Amen  in  the  palace  of  Tahutmes 
IV.  (C.N.  518-9).  Qurneh. 

Hek'er'neheh,  tutor  of  prince  Amenhotep  (=  A.  III.), 
and  of  five  or  seven  other  sons  of  the  king  whose 
names  are  erased  (L.D.  iii.  69  a  ;  C.N.  569).  Qurneh.. 


FIG.  no.— Tahutmes  IV.  giving  the  hotep  offering  to  Osiris  for  Thuna. 

Objects  are  known  in  this  reign  of — 

Smen  shepsy  a  fan-bearer,  and  Hesifna  his  wife,  stele, 
P.  Mus.  (P.R.  ii.  35). 

Pa'aa'aku,  a  fan-bearer,  and  adorer  of  Amenhotep  I., 
stele,  P.  Mus.  (P.R.  ii.  14). 

Nefer'hat,  a  follower,  stele,  with  king  offering  to 
Nut,  Abydos  (M.A.  1060 ;  M.A.  ii.  47); 

Thundy  fan-bearer,  seal-bearer,  companion,  etc.,  a 
stele,  with  the  king  offering  to  Osiris  for  the  deceased, 


B.C.  I423-14H-1 


PRIVATE  MONUMENTS 


'73 


a  real  suten  du  hotep  scene,  Abydos  (M.A.  1061  ;  M.A. 
ii.  48).     Another  stele  at  Stockholm  (Lb.D.  590). 

Amenhotep)  high  priest  of  Anhur;  and  the  singer  of 
Anhur,  Kent,  B.  Mus.  (Lb.D.  602). 

Thenau,   "fan-bearer  behind  the  king  the  noble  of 
princes. "     Scarab,  P.  Mus.  (P.R.  ii.  127). 
-Ramery,  palette,  B.  Mus. 


FIG.  in. — Queen  Mutemua. 

The  king  was  also  adored  by — 

HorameS)  under  Horemheb  (?)  (C.N.  517-8). 

Nefer1 em* hotep.     Turin  stele. 

Ranyy  priest  of  his  statue,  whose  south-east  tomb 
boundary  is  known. 

x,  under  Amenhotep  III.  offering  to  Tahutmes  IV. 
(C.N.  499). 


174  TAHUTMES  IV  [DVN.XVIII.  8.] 

The  family  of  this  king  is  obscure.  We  only  have 
one  queen,  the  celebrated  Mut-envua,  certainly  attested. 
The  other  queen  usually  ascribed  here,  and  named  Arat, 
might,  as  we  have  noticed,  read  only  "the  goddess 
queen,"  and  refer  thus  to  Mut'envua  ;  this  is  the  more 
likely,  as  the  supposed  Arat  was  "great  royal  wife," 
like  Mut'envua.  This  name  is  only  found  on  the 
Konosso  stele  of  the  yth  year,  and  therefore  too  far  on 
in  the  reign  to  have  been  an  earlier  chief  wife  than 
Mut'envua  (L.D.  iii.  69  e).  Of  Mut'envua,  or  "  Mut 
in  the  sacred  bark,"  there  is  a  fine  sacred  bark  of 
granite,  7  feet  long,  with  her  name  and  titles  around 
it  (B.  Mus.  A.B.  34).  It  seems  not  unlikely  that  this 
belonged  to  the  temple  of  Luxor,  where  she  is  specially 
honoured  and  worshipped  as  the  mother  of  Amen- 
hotep  III.  (M.A.F.  xv.  63-67). 

Of  sons  there  is  Amenhotep  the  successor  and 
another  son,  Tahutmes,  named  on  a  scarab,  as  we 
have  mentioned. 


XVIII.    9«    NEB'MAAT'RA 

(Nimmuriya) 

AMEN-HOTEP  III. 
HEQ-UAST 


Tomb,  W.  valley  of  kings 'tombs  (L.D.  iii.  78,  79) 

(M.A.F.  iii.  174) 


Rhodes  Scarab  of  Amenhotep  8.8.316). 

Gaza  Two  alabaster  vases  Pal.  Exp.  Fund). 

Sarbut  el  Khadem  Two  steles,  36th  year  L.D.  iii.  71  c,  d). 

Bubastis  Four  private  statues  N.B.  31-33). 

Benha  Agathodaimon  slab  (M.  0.630). 

Turrah  Two  steles,  ist&  2nd  year  L.D.  iii.  71  a,  b). 

Memphis  Slab.     G.  Mus.  V.G.  230). 

,,  Apis  tomb  M.S.  Ms.  117). 

Gurob  Altar  of  Tyi  P.I.  xxiw  7). 

Box  lid  (P.I.  xxiv.  8). 

,,  Kohl  tube  (P.I.  xvii,  20). 


[B.C.  i 


AMENHOTEP  III 


'75 


Howarte  by  Minieh  Stone 

El  Bersheh  Stele  ist  year 

Meshaikh  Temple 

Rayaneh  Fort 

Dendera  Adoration  scene,  late 

Karnak  Mentu  temple,  N. 


(My.  E.  406). 
(S.B.A.  ix.  195,  206). 
(S.B.A.  vii.  172). 
(My.  E.  426). 
(D.D.  iv.  c). 
(C.N.       ii.      271-2; 

M.K.  p.  8). 
(M.K.  pi.  i). 
(M.K.  p.  14). 
(M.K.  p.  26). 
(M.K  p.  57;  pi. 

34-5)- 
Colossus  before  pylon  XI.  (M.K.  pi.  2). 


Small  temple  E.  of  it 
Avenue,  122  sphinxes 
Pylon  III. 
Inscription 


Luqsor 

» 
Kom  el  Hettan 


Qurneh 

>» 

Deir  el  Medineh 
El  Kab 

Silsileh,  E. 


Elephantine 

» 
Aswan  quarry 

»» 
Konosso 


Pylon  VIII.,  name 
Building  S,  name 
Temple  of  Mut,  T. 
Great  temple 
Avenue  of  sphinxes. 
Temple 
Colossi 

Stele,  black  granite. 

Stele,  white  limestone. 

Temple 

Small  temple  E. 

Fragments 

Shrine 

Altar,  35th  year 

Stele,  part 

Temple  destroyed 

Fragment 

Colossus 

Stele 

Stele  5th  year 


(B.Rs.  184). 
(C.  N.  ii.  180). 
(M.K.  p.  15). 
(L.D.  iii.  73-4). 

(L.D.  iii.  72). 
(D.E.  ii.  21-22;  My. 
E.  464). 


(B.I.H.D.  xxix.). 
(L.D.  i.  loo ;  iii.  80). 
(C.N.  i.  266). 
(S.B.A.  xi.  233-4). 
(L.D.  81  a-e). 
(L.D.  81  f). 
(D.E.  i.  34-8). 
(M.I.  i.  120). 
(M.I.  i.  62). 
(M.I.  i.  62). 
(L.D.  iii.  81  g). 
(L.D.  iii.  81  h). 
(C.M.  95,  4). 
(L.D.  iii.  82  a). 


„    5th  year 
(Other  graffiti,  see  private  monuments.) 

Inscription.     B.  Mus.         (Arch.  Jour.  viii.  399). 
Temple  (L.D.  iii.  83-8). 

Temple  to  Tyi  (L.D.  iii.  82  e-i). 

VT        .  ,)  Two  rams.     Berl.  Mus.     (L.D.  iii.  89, 90  a-c). 

Napata  removed  I  B       of  hawk.  Beri.  Mus.    L-D.  ui.  ^^Q. 

B.  Mus.  (L.A.  .3  A.B.). 

(Rec.  xi.  212). 


Semneh 

Soleb 

Sedeinga 


Colossi 


Kom  el  Hettan 
Before  pylon  XI. 


(D.E.  ii.  21-22). 
(M.K.  pi.  2), 


1 76  NEB  -M AAT  'R A  [DYK.  xvm.  9, 

Colossus  Base,  granite.     P.   Mus.  (R.M.L.  37). 

A.  18 

Statues  White  limestone.  G.  Mus.  (Ms.  G.  422). 

Black  granite.     Thebes     (B.  Mus.). 
White  limestone.     Qurnet  Murrai. 
„  Medinet  Habu. 

Base.     Avignon  (W.  G.  388). 

Portraits  Tomb  of  king  (C.M.  ccxxxii.;  C.N. 

ii.    704;    L.D.    iii. 
70  e). 

Ushabtis.     Paris.     P.P.  Coll.  (S.B.A.  xi.  421). 

Group  of  Amenhotep  and  Tyi.    Saurma  Coll.  (W.G.  389). 
Sphinx,  Karnak  (C.N.  ii.  272). 

„          Acad.  St.  Petersburg  (Lb.  P.  61). 

Sekhet  statues,  temple  of  Mut. 

Ptah,  standing,  diorite.     T.  Mus.  (L.T.  No.  86). 

Ptah,  seated,  limestone.     T.  Mus.  (L.T.  No.  87). 

Anpu,  seated,  basalt.     Sabatier  (Rec.  xiv.  54). 

Wooden  tablet,  with  Haremakhti.     B.  Mus.    (P.L.  No.  344). 
Wooden  label,  with  titles.     T.  Mus.  (Rec.  iii.  127). 

Wooden  stamp  (?),  not  yet  engraved.    T.  Mus.  (Phot.  292). 
Ostrakon,  letter  of  palace-keeper.     B.  Mus.    (B.I.H.D.  xiii.). 
Ostraka  on  coronation-day.     B.  Mus.  (B.I.H.D.  xv.). 

Papyrus,  copied  from  a  roll.     B.  Mus.  (A.Z.  ix.  104,  117). 

Papyrus,  medical.     B.  Mus.  (A.Z.  ix.  61). 

Stick.     Leyden  (I.  82). 

Ivory  inlayinef.  box  handle.     B.  Mus.          )       /A     ,    T  ...       ^ 

„  inscribed  strip.     B.  Mus.    |      (Arch.  Jour.  vm.  396). 

Inlaying  from  boxes,  tomb.     G.  Mus.  (M.D.  36  a). 

Kohl  tubes,  wood.     P.  Mus. 

,,  ,,     with  Tyi.     P.  Mus.  G.  Mus.  (Ms.  G.  95). 

,,  ,,  ,,  T.  Mus.  (Rec.  iii.   127;  phot. 

161).      , 

,,  glazed,  with  Hent'ta'neb  (P.I.  xvii.  20). 

Glazed  tubes.     Temple  of  Amenhotep  II, 
Glazed  jar,  polychrome,  with  Tyi.     G.  Mus.    (V.G.  747). 
Vase,  blue,  double  cylinder.     B.  Mus. 
,,      alabaster.     Leyden. 

,,      pottery.     P.  Mus.  (P.L.  361). 

,,      glazed,  with  Tyi,     P.  Mus.  (P.L.  362). 

Dish.     G.  Mus. 
Scarabs—Marriage  with  Tyi.     E.  Coll.  (R.P.  xii.  39). 

Arrival  of  Kirgipa  ,       (A.Z.  xviii.  82  ;  Rec, 

xv.  200). 

Slaying  102  lions.     E.  Coll.  (R.P.  xii.  40). 

Making  great  tank  (A.Z,  xv.  87). 

Scarabs,  with  titles,  etc. 
Rings,  beads,  etc. 

Queens — TYI,  daughter  of  Yuaa  and  Thuaa    (A.Z.  xviii.  82). 
Cartouche  in  quarry.  Tell  el  Amarna         (P.A.  4,  xlii.). 


AMENHOTEP  III 


177 


Ushabti,  alabaster 

Toilet  case.     Turin 

Figure  with  son.     Tell  el  Amarna 

Trial  piece.  Tell  el  Amarna.     P.P.  Coll. 

Adored  as  Osirian 

(Frequently    with    Amenhotep    III.     on 

statues,  scenes,  scarabs,  etc.). 
Scarabs,  rings,  etc 

KlRGiPA  or  Gilukhipa 
Sons — Tahutmes 

Amenhotep  IV. 
Daughters — Ast.     Soleb 

Henfmer'heb.     Soleb 
Hent*ta*neb.     Gurob 
Sat'amen,  box.     B.  Mus. 
stele.     G.  Mus. 
dish.      A.  Mus. 
Bakt'aten,  daughter  of  Tyi 


(D.E.V.  60,  *). 
(Rec.  iii.  127). 
(L.D.  iii.  roo  c). 
(P.A.  i.  6). 
(Pap.  T.  xii.  7). 


(A.Z.  xviii.  82). 
(L.K.  385). 
(L.D.  iii.  loo  c). 
(L.D.  iii.  86  b). 
(L.D.  iii.  86  b). 
(P.I.  xvii.  20). 
(Arch.  Jour.  viii.  397). 
(M.A.  ii.  49). 
(P.A.  xiii.  16). 
(L.D.  iii.    100  a,    c, 
101). 

We  have  seen  from  the  presumptive  dates  that  Amen- 
hotep III.  was  probably  only  16  at  his  father's  death. 
There  would  be  much 
difficulty  in  supposing 
him  to  have  been  born 
earlier  in  the  family 
history ;  and  yet,  as 
his  lion-hunting  began 
in  the  ist  year  of  his 
reign,  we  can  scarcely 
place  his  age  at  any- 
thing less.  Again,  his 
birth  is  the  great  sub- 
ject of  the  temple  he 
built  at  Luqsor,  and 
his  mother  Mut'envua 
is  the  prominent  figure 
in  those  scenes,  point- 
ing to  her  being 
important  as  queen- 
mother  in  the  early 
part  of  his  reign,  and 

his  infancy  being  then  still  a  well-remembered  subject. 
No  mention  appears  of  his  celebrated,  brilliant,  and 
n — 12 


FIG.  ii2,— Youthful  head  of 
Amenhotep  III. 


ITS 


NEB-MAAT'RA 


[DYK.  XVIH.  9. 


much -loved  queen  Tyi,  until  the  loth  year  of  his 
reign  ;  and  he  married  another  Mesopotamian  princess, 
Kirgipa,  or  Gilukhipa,  in  the  same  year,  which 
would  well  agree  to  his  being  about  25  then.  Another 


32  *r. 


FIG.  113.— Amenhotep  and  his  ka. 

sign  of  his  youth  is  that  he  is  represented  as  king  with 
the  boy's  side-lock  of  hair,  and  there  is  no  expedition 
of  his  until  the  5th  year,  when  he  would  have  been 
about  20.  The  various  indications  thus  agree  to  the 
presumptive  age  which  I  have  stated. 


OUTLINE   OF   THE   DATED   RECORDS. 

Born  at  Thebes,  scarab  (P.P.  Coll.). 
1st  year,   Epiphi   13,  Amenhotep  was  crowned 
(Ostrakon  5637  B.M.;  see  B.I.H.D.  xv.  2): 
age  about  16.  . 

1st  year,   Epiphi   20  +  x,    quarry   opened   at   El 

Bersheh  (S.B.A.  ix.  195,  206). 
1st  year,  quarry  opened  at  Turrah  (L.D.  iii.  71  a). 
Ilnd  year,  quarrying  at  Turrah  (L.D.  iii.  71* b). 
Illrd  year,  black  granite  stele  (G.  Mus.). 
Vth  year,  expedition  to  Ethiopia  (stele,  Konosso, 
L.D.  iii.  82  a,  and  stele  erected  Athyr  2, 
at  Aswan,  L.D.  iii.  81  g):  age  about  21. 


B.C.  I4I4-I379-] 


DATED  RECORDS 


179 


Xth  year,   lion-hunt  record   (R.P.   xii.  40):    102 

slain  between  ages  about  16  to  26. 
Xth  year,   marriage  with   Kirgipa,   and   already 
married  to  Tyi  (A. Z.  xviii.  82):  age  about  26. 
XI th  year,   Athyr    16,    festival,    tank    inscription 

(A.Z.  xv.  87). 

Xlth  year,  Khoiak  6,  decree  of  building  temple, 
Deir  el  Medineh  (late  copy  in  B.M.,  see 
B.I.H.D.  29). 

XlVth  year,  Papyrus  Turin  (Pap.  T.  p.  7). 
XXX Vth  year,  Pakhons  i,  altar  at  Silsileh  (L.D.  iii.  81  c). 
XXXVIth  year,  Mekhir  9,  steles  at  Sarbut  el  Khadem 

(L.D.  iii.  71). 

It  does  not  appear  that  this  king  undertook  any 
great  wars  after  the  Ethiopian  campaign  in  his  5th 
year.  The  condition  of  the  kingdom  seems  to  have 
been  one  of  acknowledged  supremacy  abroad,  and 
peaceful  development  at  home.  Tahutmes  I.  had 


FIG.  114.— Chariot  of  Khaemhat. 

broken  the  power  of  Syria ;  Tahutmes  III.  had 
thoroughly  grasped  that  country.  He  had  taken  the 
sons  of  the  chiefs  to  be  educated  in  Egypt ;  and  as 
the  Egyptian  kings  married  Syrian  princesses,  it  is 
most  probable  that  the  sons  of  the  Syrian  chiefs  were 


i8o  AMENHOTEP  III  IDYN.  xvm.  9. 

married  to  Egyptians  at  the  close  of  their  education. 
It  was  only  stipulated  that  they  should  be  restored  to 
their  homes  to  succeed  their  fathers  ;  and  thus  they 
may  have  lived  until  middle  life  in  Egypt.  In  this 
way,  the  rulers  of  Syria  were  assimilated  in  thoughts 
and  ways  to  the  suzerain  power,  and  were  very 
unlikely  to  attempt  to  be  independent.  The  corre- 
spondence of  the  cuneiform  tablets  shows  that  the 
northern  kingdom  of  Mitanni  and  Karduniyas  were 
in  close  diplomatic  and  family  connection  with  Egypt  ; 
and  no  troubles  appear  to  have  disturbed  the  empire 
until  late  in  the  reign  of  Akhenaten.  The  reign  of 
Amenhotep  III.  was  thus  free  for  commercial  extension 
and  the  cultivation  of  the  arts  ;  and  we  find  in  it  the 
greatest  activity  in  this  direction. 


The  reign  began  with  the  execution  of  some  large 
buildings  during  the  minority  of  the  young  king  ;  and 
the  quarries  of  Turrah  (L.D.  iii.  71;  A.Z.  v.  91)  and 
El  Bersheh  (S.B.A.  ix.  195)  were  opened  for  the 
fine  limestone,  of  which  so  much  was  used,  but  which 
has  almost  all  disappeared  in  the  limeburners'  kilns. 
The  amusement  of  the  young  ruler  was  lion-hunting, 
and  this  he  kept  up  most  actively  until  his  marriage 
in  the  roth  year  of  his  reign,  slaying  102  lions  in  tea 
years  (R.P.  xii.  40).  His  first  and  only  recorded  war 
was  in  the  middle  of  this,  his  athletic  age.  He  went 
out  to  the  limits  of  the  Egyptian  power,  and  smote 
many  tribes  whose  names  never  appear  before  or  after. 
The  tablets  about  the  cataracts  mention  his  victories  ; 
and  in  the  land  of  Abeha  alone  he  took  740  prisoners, 
and  slew  312  more  of  the  negroes  (Semneh  tablet, 
B.  Mus.).  We  must  not,  however,  assume  that  every 
tribe  figured  on  the  monument  as  a  captive  had  been 
recently  subjugated  ;  in  this  reign  we  find  at  Soleb 
figures  of  the  Syrian  peoples,  of  Naharina,  Kedesh,  and 
other  parts,  where  the  Egyptians  appear  to  have  been 
in  peaceful  political  occupation  as  a  suzerain  power. 
The  figure  of  a  captive  town  or  people  only  implies  the 


B.C.  I4I4-1379-] 


HISTORY  OF  REIGN 


181 


submission  of  that  region  to  the  Egyptian  power.  At 
Soleb  the  Syrian  figures  are  named  Kefa,  Khit  .  .  ,  , 
Sengar,  Tares,  Qarqamish,  Asur,  Apthethna,  Makaut- 
uash,  and  Mehpeni ;  all  these  are  with  a  fillet  on  the 
head  and  long  hair.  The  other  Syrian  type  is  with 
close-cut  hair  and  no  fillet,  found  in  Naharina,  Kedshi, 
Pah  .  .  .  ,  Tita,  Arerpaq,  and  Kedina.  Names  which 
have  lost  the  figures  are  Tanepu  and  Aka..rita;  and 
perhaps  western  districts  in  Sekhet  Am,  Menaunu 
Setet,  Matnun,  Tahennu,  Asha  .  .  .  ,  Sekhet  Am. 
Of  the  southern  and  negro  peoples  appear  Matur, 
.  .  .  nutaa,  Azenunian,  Samanurika,  Kary,  Maitariaa, 
Katha  .  .  .  ,  May,  Fuersh  .  .  .  ,  Narkihab,  Taro- 
benika,  Tarosina,  Aken  .  .  .  ,  Manuareb,  Mataka  .  .  .  , 
Abhat,  Akina,  Serenyk,  Aururek,  Atermaiu,  Maiu, 
Gureses,  the  Sunuga,  Ayhatab,  Akhenuthek,  Tartar, 
and  Tursu.  Of  the  Red  Sea  region  are  Shasu  and 
Punt,  and  probably  allied  to  this  Aar  ....  This  list 
shows  the  power  of  the  king,  ruling  from  Karo  to 
Naharina,  from  Abyssinia  to  northern  Mesopotamia. 

His  marriage  in  or  before  the  loth  year  of  his  reign 
was  a  great  turning-point  in  his  history.  These  Syrian 
marriages  were  so  influential  in  the  royal  family  of 
Egypt,  that  it  is  well  to  notice  them  carefully.  From 
the  Tell  el  Amarna  tablets  we  can  glean  the  following 
table  of  relationships  : — 


Kings  of  Karduniyas 
Karaindash 16 


Kings  of  Egypt          Kings  ofMitanni 

Sitatama  u 

I 


Tahutmes  IV.1  ^daughter11    Stitharna11 


Dushratta4 

I 


Kallimmasin 13     sister 18 

married 
to 

daughter13  asked  by    Amenhotep  IIt.4  =  Gilukhipa4 
Kurigalzu  1<7 
Burnaburyas 16 

daughter16  offered  to  Amenhotep  IV.10-n  =  Tadukhipa10-n 
The  numbers  refer  to  the  summaries  of  the  letters  in  the  chapter 
on  the  Decline  of  Egypt  in  Syria. 


182 


AMENHOTEP  III 


[DYN.  xvin.  9. 


The  marriage  to  Gilukhipa,  daughter  of  Su  ,  .  . 
in  letter  n,  is  evidently  that  described  on  the  large 
scarab,  when  "the  daughter  of  the  chief  of  Naharina, 
Satharna,  even  Kirgipa  and  the  principal  of  her  women, 
females  317,"  came  into  Egypt  (A.Z.  xviii.  82).  As  on 


FIG.  115.— Head  of  Tyi. 


FIG.  116.— Head  of  man  of 
Ynuamu. 


the  same  scarab  Tyi,  daughter  of  Yuaa  and  Thuaa,  is 
named  as  the  great  queen  of  Amenhotep,  it  is  evident 
that  Kirgipa  cannot  be  an  earlier  name  of  Tyi.     Who 
then  was  Tyi?     Her  face  (P.A.  i.  6)  bears  a  strong^ 
likeness  to  that  of  her  son  Akhenaten 
(P.A.  i.  5,   10),  and  differs  from  any 
type  seen  before  in  Egypt.     There  is, 
however,  a  close  resemblance  between 
this  type  and  that  of  a  man  of  Ynua 
or  Ynuamu   among  the  captives   on 
the   north  wall  of  the  Great   Hall  at 
Karnak  (misnamed  Mitanni,  P.A.  i.  2). 
This  city  appears  to  have  been  in  the 
FIG.  117.— Head  of   region  of  Tyre,  and  so  this  type  may 
Nefertiti.  belong  to  northern  Galilee.     Another 

clue,  however,  may  be  in  the  type 
of  Nefertiti,  the  wife  of  Amenhotep  IV.  Her  face 
(P.A.  i.  15)  has  much  the  same  features  as  that  of 


B.C.  I4I4-1379-]  HISTORY  OF  REIGN  183 

Tyi,  insomuch  that  both  are  probably  of  the  same  race. 
And  it  is  most  probable  that  Nefertiti  is  the  other 
name  of  Tadukhipa,  the  daughter  of  Dushratta,  as  no 
other  queen  ever  appears  with  Amenhotep  IV.  This 
would  connect  Tyi  with  the  race  of  Dushratta  in 
Mitanni.  In  either  case,  we  must  conclude  that  Tyi 
belonged  to  northern  Syria.  The  nationality  of  her 
parents  has  been  much  disputed  ;  their  names,  however, 
may  as  easily  be  Egyptian  as  foreign.  But  her  titles  are 
noticeable;  she  is  called  hent-taui,  " princess  of  both 
lands,"  and  "  chief  heiress,  princess  of  all  lands" 
(L.D.  iii.  82  g),  just  as  Nefertiti  is  called  hent  res  meh, 
nebt  taut,  ' '  princess  of  south  and  north,  lady  of  both 
lands. "  These  titles  seem  to  imply  hereditary  right  ; 
indeed,  it  is  very  doubtful  if  a  king  could  reign  except 
as  the  husband  of  the  heiress  of  the  kingdom,  the  right 
to  which  descended  in  the  female  line  like  other  pro- 
perty. Now  we  can  see  that  the  daughter  of  Dush- 
ratta, Tadukhipa  =  Nefertiti,  would  very  probably  be  in 
the  Egyptian  royal  line  ;  Dushratta's  application  for  a 
princess  rather  later  is  recorded  (letter  28),  and  it  is 
most  likely  that  the  Mitannian  kings  had  Egyptian 
princesses,  as  the  Egyptian  kings  had  Mitannian 
princesses.  Hence  Nefertiti  would  be  a  rightful 
heiress  of  the  Egyptian  throne ;  and,  similarly,  Tyi 
may  easily  have  been  the  grand  -  daughter  of  an 
Egyptian  king  and  queen,  her  mother  Thuaa  having 
been  married  to  some  north  Syrian  prince  Yuaa. 
Thus  she  would  have  the  right  to  be  a  "  princess  of 
both  lands  "  ;  her  name  might  be  Egyptian ;  and  she 
would  rightfully  fill  the  prominent  place  she  did  in 
Egypt  ;  while  her  physiognomy  would  be  Syrian. 
This  view  cannot  be  yet  proved,  but  it  certainly 
fulfils  all  the  conditions  closely. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  of  the  powerful  influence  of 
queen  Tyi ;  she  appears  closely  associated  with  the 
king  on  his  monuments,  her  figure  is  seen  side  by  side 
with  his  on  scarabs,  her  name  appears  along  with  the 
Idng's  on  innumerable  objects,  a  temple  was  built  in  her 
honour  at  Sedeinga,  and  she  acted  as  regent  for  her 


184 


AMENHOTEP  III 


[DYN.  xvm.  9. 


FIG.  1 1 8. — Young  head  of  Amenhotep  111. 


son  during1  his  minority,  when  letters  were  addressed 
to  her  by  Dushratta  (letter  9).      Her  evident  influence 

on  her  young  son 
shows  in  what  direc- 
tion she  had  been 
turning  affairs  during 
her  husband's  reign  ; 
and  the  peculiar  taste 
and  style,  the  rich 
decoration,  and  the 
new  ideas  which 
blossomed  out  under . 
Amenhotep  IV., 
guided  by  his  mother, 
can  be  seen  rising 
and  budding  under 
the  reign  of  the 
great  king  Amen- 
hotep III.,  inspired  by  his  wife's  influence. 

Immediately  after  his  marriage,  we  find  the  king 
engaged  in  public  works  ;  in  the  nth  year,  on  Athyr 
ist,  he  "  ordered  to  make  a  tank  of  the  great  royal  wife 
Tyi  in  the  city  of  Zaru  (or  Zal,  the  eastern  frontier  fort 
of  Egypt).  Its  length  3600  cubits,  its  breadth  600 
cubits,  made  by  His  Majesty  in  the  first  festival  in 
Athyr  16,  sailed  His  Majesty  in  the  bark  Aten-neferu  in... 
his  saloon  "  (A.Z.  xv.  87).  This  tank  or  lake  was  nearly 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  wide,  and  over  a  mile  long  :  that 
implies  an  amount  to  be  moved  which  would  be  all  but 
impossible  in  fifteen  days  (from  ist  to  i6th  Athyr),  even 
if  the  greatest  number  of  workers  were  crowded  in. 
But  as  Zaru — sometimes  identified  with  Sele — was  in 
any  case  in  the  region  of  the  isthmus  of  Suez,  with  its 
various  lakes  and  depressions,  it  rather  seems  that  this 
tank  or  lake  was  made  by  flooding  some  natural 
hollow :  the  date  would  be  on  the  25th  October, 
and  therefore  just  before  the  fall  of  the  inundation, 
a  time  when  flooding  would  be  taking  .place  down  the 
canals.  The  name  of  the  king's  barge,  "the  beauties 
of  Aten,"  shows  that  already  the  worship  of  the  Aten, 


B.C.  1414-1379- 1  HISTORY  OF  REIGN  185 

or  the  sun's  disc,  was  coming"  forward,  in  advance  of 
its  nationalisation  under  the  son  of  Tyi.  The  founding 
of  the  temple  of  Deir  el  Medinet  also  belongs  to  this 
year,  three  weeks  later  than  Amenhotep's  fantasiyeh 
on  the  new  lake  ;  it  is  unlikely,  therefore,  that  he  was 
at  Thebes  at  the  time,  and  as  the  record  only  names 
private  persons,  we  shall  notice  it  further  on. 

After  this  there  are  no  landmarks  in  this  reign  until 
the  close  ;  not  a  single  war  is  recorded,  and  the  Syrian 
letters  show  no  trouble  there,  beyond  a  well-repelled 
attack  by  the  Khatti  on  the  king  of  Mitanni,  the  ally 
and  brother  of  the  Egyptian  king  (letter  4).  What 
went  on  during  this  long  peace  is  pictured  in  a  little 
biographical  letter,  which  we  may  quote  complete  as  a 
picture  of  the  life  of  a  Syrian  prince: — "To  the  king, 
my  master,  my  god,  my  sun,  this  is  said  ; — Yatibiri  thy 
servant,  the  dust  of  thy  feet,  at  the  feet  of  the  king,  my 
master,  my  god,  my  sun,  seven  times,  and  seven  times 
more,  I  fall  down.  Behold,  I  am  thy  servant,  true  to 
the  king  my  master.  I  look  on  one  side,  and  I  look  on 
the  other  side,  and  there  is  no  light ;  but  I  look  on  the 
king  my  master,  and  there  is  light.  A  brick  may  be 
taken  out  of  its  place,  but  I  shall  move  not  from  under 
the  feet  of  my  master.  And  now  the  king  my  master 
enquires  about  me  of  Yankhama,  his  agent.  When  I 
was  young,  Yankhama  took  me  into  Egypt,  and  placed 
me  with  the  king  my  master,  and  I  dwelt  at  the  door  of 
the  king  my  master.  Now  the  king  my  master  asks 
his  agent  how  I  have  guarded  the  gate  of  Gaza  and  the 
gate  of  Joppa.  As  for  me,  I  am  with  the  auxiliaries  of 
the  king  my  master  ;  wherever  they  go,  I  go  with  them, 
and  whenever  they  go,  I  am  with  them.  The  yoke  of 
my  master  is  on  my  neck>,  and  I  .bear  it"  (letter  117, 
S.B.A.  xv.  504).  Yatibiri  seems  to  have  had  even  his 
name  changed  in  Egypt,  as  this  is  probably  the  Syrian 
writing  of  Hotep-ra. 

The  temple  of  Soleb  in  Nubia  is  a  monument  of  these 
silent  years  of  tranquil  government.  There  is  shown  a 
great  festival,  which  began  on  the  26th  of  Mesore,  and 
ended  in  Thoth.  The  king  was  accompanied  by  Tyi  and 


i86  AMENHOTEP  III  tDYN.  xvm.  $. 

two  daughters,  and  probably  two  sons  also  ;  hence  this 
sculpture  can  hardly  be  earlier  than  the  i8th  or  2oth 
year  of  his  reign. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  reign  it  seems  that  Amen- 
hotep IV.  must  have  been  associated  with  him.  There 
are  dates  of  his  35th  and  36th  year,  and  yet  Manetho 


FIG.  119. — Amenhotep  III.  enthroned.     Tomb  of  Khaemhat. 

only  gives  30  years  and  10  months  for  his  reign.  That 
this  difference  cannot  be  due  to  co-regency  with  Tahut- 
mes  IV.  is  pretty  certain,  as  there  are  quarry  inscriptions 
of  the  ist  and  2nd  year  of  Amenhotep  TIL  But  a  little 
point  shows  that  Amenhotep  IV.  was  probably  married 
near  the  time  of  his  father's  death.  In  a  letter  Dush- 


B.C.  14*4-1379.1  HISTORY  OF  REIGN  187 

ratta  refers  to  Amenhotep  III.  sending  to  him  to  fetch 
a  wife  from  D.  to  be  the  mistress  of  Egypt  (letter  6). 
This  cannot  refer  to  either  queen  of  Amenhotep  III.  ; 
Gilukhipa  was  given  by  the  father  of  Dushratta 
(letter  n),  and  Tyi  was  married  yet  earlier  (Rec.  xv. 
200).  Nor  can  it  refer  to  another  queen  for  Amenhotep 
III.,  as  the  great  Tyi  could  hardly  be  superseded  as 
mistress  of  Egypt.  It  must  rather  refer  to  seeking  an 
alliance  with  Mitanni  for  the  young  Amenhotep  IV. 
And  we  see  that  Dushratta,  writing  to  Tyi,  before 
Amenhotep  IV.  took  up  affairs,  greets  Tadukhipa  his 
daughter,  Tyi's  daughter-in-law  (letter  9). 

Now  there  is  no  dating  of  Amenhotep  IV.  before  his 
5th  regnal  year,  and  in  the  6th  year  his  second  child 
was  born,  pointing  to  his  marriage  in  his  4th  year. 
If,  then,  he  were  associated  in  the  3ist  year  of  his 
father's  reign,  the  date  of  the  36th  year  of  the  old 
king  would  just  follow  the  marriage  of  his  son,  and 
agree  with  the  earliest  date  being  of  the  5th  year. 
This  also  agrees  with  letter  8,  in  which  Dushratta 
greets  Tadukhipa  his  daughter,  writing  therefore  after 
her  marriage,  while  the  letter  reached  Egypt  in  the 
36th  year,  by  the  docket. 

MONUMENTS. 

We  now  turn  to  the  great  works  of  this  age.  This 
king  was  the  first  we  know  of  who  placed  his  tomb  out 
of  sight  of  the  Nile.  Instead  of  occupying  some  part 
of  the  wide  cemetery  overlooking  the  plain,  he  retreated 
an  hour's  journey  up  a  wild  and  desolate  gorge  of  the 
desert,  and  there  hewed  out  grand  galleries  for  his 
sepulchre,  extending  some  hundreds  of  feet  into  the 
mountain.  This  was  a  magnificent  new  departure, 
and  served  as  a  type  followed  century  after  century 
by  later  kings.  A  long  corridor  leads  to  a  chamber 
with  two  pillars  at  right  angles  to  it ;  thence  two  more 
galleries  lead  to  the  sepulchral  chamber,  containing  six 
pillars,  out  of  which  branch  seven  other  chambers 
(D.E.  ii.  79,  5).  The  entrance  was  skilfully  concealed 


i88 


AMENHOTEP  III 


[DYN.  xvin.  9. 


by  lying  behind  a  spur  of  rock  ;  but  the  great  banks  of 
chips  outside  it  point  to  the  tomb.  The  greater  part 
of  the  tomb  was  stuccoed  and  painted,  but  most  of 
this  covering  has  now  disappeared.  The  execution  of 
what  remains  is  far  finer  than  that  of  any  of  the  later 
royal  tombs.  Three  excellent  heads  of  the  king  are 
published  (C.M.  ccxxxii.;  L.D.  iii.  70  e).  The  tomb 
in  modern  times  contained  only  the  lid  of  a  sarcophagus 
in  red  granite,  and  fragments  of  ushabtis  and  funeral 
vases,  etc.  (D.E.  ii.  80,  81  ;  E.  and  P.P.  Colls.). 

The  earliest  dated  Egyptian  objects  found  in  Europe 
are  the  scarabs  of  Amenhotep  and  of  Tyi,  of  which 
several  have  been  discovered  in  connection  with  Aegean 
pottery. 

In  Syria,  two  alabaster  vases  of  this  king  were 
found  at  Gaza  (Palestine  Exploration  Fund).  At 
Sarbut  el  Khadem,  in  Sinai,  two  steles  show  him 
offering  to  Amen  and  to  Hathor  of  Mafket  ;  it  appears 
that  work  was  done  at  the  mines  in  the  last  year  of 
the  reign. 

In  Egypt,  work  was  carried  on  in  the  Delta.     Four 

_,_ ,     statues    of   officials    of 


this  age  were  found  at 
Bubastis  ;  two  of  a 
governor  Amenhotep, 
one  of  a  royal  scribe*- 
Kherfu,  and  one  un- 
named (N.B.  31-33). 
And  at  Benha  a  large 
slab  of  black  granite 
was  found,  with  the 
figure  of  the  gilardian 
serpent  of  the  temple 
of  Har  •  khenti  •  khety 
(M.D.  63  b). 

The  steles  at  Turrah 
mention  that  "  the  king 
gave  orders  to  open 
fresh  chambers  to  quarry  white  excellent  stone  of  An, 
in  order  to  build  his  chambers  for  a  million  of  years. 


FIG.  120. — Amenhotep  III.  in  middle 
age. 


B.C.  1414-1379.]  MONUMENTS  189 

When  His  Majesty  found  the  chambers  which  were  in 
Rufuy  going  to  great  decay  since  the  time  of  those  who 
were  at  the  beginning,  by  my  Majesty  they  were  made 
anew"  (L.D.  iii.  71  c,  d).  This  was  in  the  ist  and 
2nd  years  ;  and  a  block  at  his  temple  of  Kom  Hettan 
at  Thebes  dates  the  quarrying  in  the  ist  day  of  the  ist 
year. 

At  Memphis,  the  earliest  of  the  Apis  tombs  belongs 
to  this  time  ;  it  was  a  rock  chamber  reached  by  a 
sloping  passage,  and  with  a  chapel  built  over  it 
(M.S.  Ms.  117).  A  slab  of  this  reign  was  found  at 
Memphis,  and  is  now  in  the  Ghizeh  Museum  (V.G. 
230). 

At  Gurob,  an  interesting  altar  was  dedicated  by  Tyi 
to  her  husband's  funereal  service:  "  She  made  her 
monuments  of  her  beloved  brother  Neb*ma*ra."  A 
box  lid  and  a  kohl  tube  also  name  the  king,  his  wife, 
and  daughter  Hent'ta'neb  (P.I.  xvii.  xxiv).  A  block  of 
Amenhotep  was  found  in  a  town  at  Howarteh,  near 
Minieh  (My.E.  406).  At  El  Bersheh  is  a  stele  of  the 
ist  year  in  a  quarry  (S.B.A.  ix.  195).  At  Mesheikh, 
nearly  opposite  Girgeh,  stood  a  temple  of  this  king 
(S.B.A.  vii.  172).  At  Rayaneh  is  a  fort  the  bricks 
of  which  are  stamped  by  Amenhotep  III.  (My.  E.  426). 
In  Upper  Egypt,  at  Dendera,  is  a  Ptolemaic  sculpture 
of  the  king  in  the  guise  of  Hapi,  with  the  cartouche 
Ra'maa'neb  on  his  head. 

At  Karnak  is  the  great  mass  of  work  of  this  reign. 
At  the  north  end  was  built  a  temple  of  Mentu  (N  in 
Baedeker),  with  a  pylon,  and  obelisks  of  red  granite 
(C.N.  ii.  271).  The  columns  were  polygonal,  and  the 
temple  contained  many  fragments  of  black  granite 
statues  of  the  king  and  of  Sekhet,  and  an  exquisite 
small  sphinx  of  Amenhotep.  It  was  restored  and 
altered  by  Merenptah,  Ramessu  V.,  and  the  Ptolemies 
II.,  III.,  IV.,  and  VI.  (C.N.  ii.  272;  B.E.  161).  On 
the  east  of  this  was  another  lesser  temple  of  this  reign 
(M.K.  pi.  i.,  marked  C,  but  referred  to  as  B  in  text, 
p.  9). 

A  long  avenue  of  122  sphinxes,  carved  in  sandstone, 


190  AMENHOTEP  III  D>VK.  xvm.  * 

extends  before  the  temple  of  Khonsu  ;  these  bear  the 
name  of  Amenhotep,  and  point  to  a  temple  of  this 
reign  having  stood  on  the  site  where  Ramessu  III. 
afterwards  built  the  existing  temple. 

A  vast  pylon  was  built  by  the  king,  as  a  new  front 
to  the  great  temple  of  Amen.  This  was  afterwards 
used  by  Sety  I.  as  the  back  of  his  great  hall  of  columns, 
and  partly  refaced  on  that  side  by  fresh  masonry.  On 
the  north  half  of  the  west  face  are  shown  two  great 
ships.  One,  over  forty  feet  long,  is  the  royal  vessel, 
with  the  king  standing  on  the  poop,  and  cabins  in  the 
middle  with  cornices.  It  is  propelled  by  thirty  or  forty 
rowers,  and  tows  the  barge  of  Amen,  which  bears  the 
small  processional  bark  of  Amen  in  a  shrine,  and  on 
the  prow  a  sphinx  and  altar.  The  ends  have  great 
sacred  collars  below  the  rams'  heads  of  Amen,  the 
so-called  aegis.  On  the  east  face  are  scenes  of  offering 
to  Amen  by  the  king,  and  a  long  list  of  the  offerings  in 
71  lines  (M.K.  xxxiv.— v.).  The  colossus  before  pylon 
XI.  (of  Horemheb)  is  not  in  its  original  place.  Only 
the  pedestal  and  a  foot  now  remain  ;  and  the  little  toe 
of  that  has  been  barbarously  cut  away  in  late  years  at 
a  tourist's  whim.  The  work  is  in  quartzite  sandstone  ; 
and  on  the  base  are  figures  of  the  king  as  a  youth  with 
the  side-lock,  showing  that  it  belongs  to  the  beginning 
of  his  reign.  The  statue  must  have  been  of  the  same- 
magnitude  as  the  colossi  on  the  western  shore. 

Inscriptions  of  Neb*maa-ra  have  been  added  to  the 
pylon  of  Tahutmes  III.  (pylon  VIII.)  and  to  the 
building  of  Amenhotep  II.  in  the  great  southern 
court  (S). 

At  the  south  end  of  Karnak  stood  a  large  and 
important  temple  of  Mut  (T),  crowded  with  hundreds 
of  lion-headed  statues  of  Sekhet,  which  have  been 
dispersed  among  the  collections  of  the  world.  The 
lake  round  the  sides  and  back  of  this  temple  still 
remains.  The  building  was  re-worked  by  Sheshenk  I. 

At  Luqsor,  a  mile  and  a  half  farther  south,  a  great 
temple  was  built  by  Amenhotep  to  his  father  Amen, 
with  special  reference  to  the  divine  conception  of  the 


B.C.  1414-1379.] 


MONUMENTS 


191 


king.  This  was  probably  not  connected  at  this  time 
with  the  temples  of  Karnak,  as  the  axis  of  this  temple 
and  the  Karnak  avenue  of  sphinxes  have  no  alignment, 
intersection,  or  relation  to  each  other.  The  connection 
of  Luqsor  and  Karnak  is  rather  due  to  the  alterations 
of  Ramessu  II.  This  Luqsor  temple  consists  of  five 
portions,  which  have  three  slightly  different  axes.  The 
shrine — which  is  a  processional  resting-place,  open 


FIG.  i2i.— Colonnade  at  Luqsor. 

in  both  front  and  back  —  has  a  hall  before  it,  a 
columnar  gallery  at  the  back,  and  chambers  at  the 
sides.  In  front  of  this  is  an  open  court.  Then  a 
hypostyle  hall,  of  four  rows  of  eight  columns,  the  axis 
of  which  is  rather  more  to  the  north,  instead  of  north- 
east like  the  shrine.  Then  a  court  with  colonnades 
around  it,  which  recovers  the  same  direction  as  the 
shrine.  Lastly,  before  this,  and  the  massive  pylon 
which  formed  its  face,  an  avenue  of  fourteen  columns 


I92  AMENHOTEP  III  [DW.  xvm.  9. 

was  added   as   an   approach,    with   a   lesser   pylon   in 
front  of  it. 

On  the  western  side  of  the  Nile  a  great  temple  was 
built  in  this  reign  ;  to  which  the  well-known  colossi  be- 
longed, standing  in  front  of  the  now-vanished  pylon. 
These  colossi  have  obtained  a  celebrity  through  Greek 
and  Roman  authors,  which  has  little  to  do  with  their 
importance  in  history.  They  were  noble  pieces  of 
work,  but  are  now  so  fearfully  injured  that  the  group 
of  the  Niles  on  the  sides  is  the  only  part  of  artistic 
value.  The  height  of  the  figures  is  recorded  by  their 
architect  (in  the  inscription  on  his  statue)  as  being  40 
cubits  ;  with  the  pedestal  and  crown  they  appear  to 
have  been  exactly  this  size.  At  the  sides  of  the  legs, 
against  the  throne,  are  statues  of  Mutemua  the  mother, 
and  of  Tyi  the  wife,  of  the  king.  The  Greek  inscrip- 
tions of  visitors  who  came  to  hear  the  sunrise  crackling 
of  the  stone  are  published  in  D.E.  ii.  22  ;  v.  55.  Other 
colossi  lie  a  little  way  behind  these,  and  a  vast  stele  of 
sandstone  about  14  feet  wide  and  30  feet  high,  which 
decorated  the  forecourts  of  the  temple.  Remains  of 
the  buildings  of  the  temple  chambers,  at  the  back  of 
all,  form  the  Kom  Hettan,  or  "  mound  of  chips/'  On 
the  edge  of  the  desert  to  the  north  of  this  are  the 
remains  of  the  temple  of  Merenptah,  which  was  entirely 
formed  from  the  plundering  of  Amenhotep's  tempie. 
The  avenue  of  jackals  with  statues  of  the  king  between 
the  paws,  the  inscribed  bases  on  which  they  stood,  the 
colossi,  the  sphinxes,  the  steles,  the  sculptured  blocks, 
and  even  the  bricks,  were  all  plundered  and  destroyed 
for  the  sake  of  materials.  Thence  come  the  black 
granite  stele  (usurped  by  Merenptah),  and  the  white 
limestone  stele  of  Amenhotep's  triumph,  now  in  the 
Ghizeh  Museum.  The  chapel  of  Uazmes  was  restored 
by  Amenhotep  III.,  whose  ring  was  found  under  the 
door  sill.  The  small  temple  of  Deir  el  Medineh  was 
founded  by  the  great  architect  of  this  reign,  Amen- 
hotep, son  of  Hepu  ;  but  none  of  the  original  building 
remains,  the  whole  being  now  Ptolemaic.  The  inscrip- 
tion about  it  is  noticed  below  under  the  architect's  name. 


B.C.  I4T4-i379-]  MONUMENTS  193 

At  El  Kab,  a  beautiful  little  temple,  formed  of  a  single 
square  chamber  with  four  pillars  and  a  court,  stands 
back  in  the  desert  valley.  It  was  begun  by  Tahutmes 
IV.  and  finished  by  Amenhotep  III.  (L.D.  iii.  80). 
The  name  of  the  king  also  occurs  in  the  ruins  of  the 
great  temple  (C.N.  i.  266). 

At  Silsileh  stood  a  shrine  in  the  quarry,  surmounted 
by  a  hawk  which  now  lies  by  it  (S.B.A.  xi.  233-4);  and 
also  an  altar  which  was  dedicated  in  the  35th  year  of 
Amenhotep  (L.D.  iii.  81  a-e).  Probably  of  the  same 
time  is  a  rock  tablet  of  his  in  the  same  place  (L.D. 
iii.  81  f). 

At  Elephantine  stood  one  of  the  most  perfect  and 
beautiful  examples  of  a  temple  of  this  age.  It  had  the 
usual  processional  form  (with  the  sanctuary  open  front 
and  back),  and  a  colonnade  of  seven  pillars  at  the  side 
and  four  in  the  front  around  the  outside.  An  unusual 
feature  was  that  it  stood  on  a  raised  hollow  platform 
reached  by  a  flight  of  steps.  Happily  it  was  passably 
published  in  the  Description  (i.  34-8),  for  soon  after 
that,  in  1822,  it  was  swept  away  by  the  local  governor 
for  stone  (a  fragment  is  quoted  in  M.I.  i.  120). 

By  the  quarry  at  Aswan  lies  a  granite  colossus, 
which  was  in  course  of  being  removed  ;  though  partly 
buried,  its  proportion  indicates  a  height  of  about 
25  feet.  A  rock  tablet  in  the  quarry  shows  the 
sculptor  adoring  the  king's  names,  and  saying  that  he 
had  "made  the  great  image  of  his  majesty  the  lion  of 
princes  "  (M.I.  i.  62-3).  The  other  steles  at  Aswan 
refer  to  the  war  in  the  Sudan,  and  are  dated  in  the 
5th  year,  as  we  have  noticed  (L.D.  iii.  81  g,  h  ;  C.M. 
95,  4  ;  L.D.  iii.  82  a).  A  stele  from  Semneh  gives  some 
other  details  of  this  Nubian  campaign  (Arch.  Jour.  viii. 

399)- 

At  Sedeinga  (20°  32'  N.)  are  the  remains  of  a 
beautiful  temple  built  in  honour  of  queen  Tyi.  An 
inscription  says  that  Amenhotep  '  *  made  his  monuments 
for  the  great  and  mighty  heiress,  the  mistress  of  all 
lands,  Tyi  "  (L.D.  iii.  82). 

The  great  temple  at  Soleb  (20°  24'  N.)  was  built  in 
11—13 


194 


AMENHOTEP  III 


[DVN,  xviii.  9. 


this  reign  to  commemorate  the  conquest  of  the  Sudan. 
The  king  is  shown  in  the  dedication  festival,  with  all 
his  officials,  entering  in  at  the  great  gates,  which  each 
have  a  name  ;  it  is  stated  that  *  *  all  her  gates  were 
made  of  best  white  sandstone,"  and  the  names  "  Neb* 
maa'ra  .  .  .  nekht "  and  "Amenhotep  Neb'maa'ra 
s  .  .  r  .  .  .  "  remain  for  the  great  pylons. 

At   Napata   (Mount  Barkal),    the   Ethiopian   capital 


'.,   '^Ajj 


FIG.  122. — Colossal  ram  from  Napata.    Berlin. 

(18°  30'  N.),  were  monuments  which  had  been  taken 
from  Soleb.  Many  of  these  are  now  in  Europe ;  two 
rams  and  the  base  of  a  hawk  at  Berlin  (L.D.  iii.  89, 90), 
and  two  lions  (partly  usurped  by  Tut -ankh -amen)  in 
London  (L.A.  13  A.B.;  Rec.  xi.  212). 

Turning  now  to  the  portraiture  of  the  king,  there  are 
several  colossi ;  two  standing  at  Thebes,  the  upper 
part  of  one  entirely  built  up  in  Roman  times  ;  another 


B.C.  J4T4-I379-3 


MONUMENTS 


195 


of  the  same  size  buried  behind  these  ;  another  farther 
back  ;  and  a  group  of  four  figures  in  one  block,  the 
heads  lost  (My.E.  464).  Great  colossi  of  Amenhotep 
in  white  limestone  were  removed  from  his  temple  and 
broken  up ;  the  remains  having  been  found  in  the 
buildings  of  temple  of  Merenptah  and  Medinet  Habu. 
Of  statues  there  are  two,  one  in  white  limestone  (G. 
Mus. ;  Ms.  G.  422),  and 
one  in  black  granite 
(B.  Mus.),  beside  a 
base  at  Avignon.  A 
group  of  the  king  and 
Tyi  is  in  the  Saurma 
collection.  Three  ex- 
cellent drawings  of 
different  ages  are  pub- 
lished from  the  tomb 
(C.M.  232  ;  L.D.  iii.  70).  A  beautiful  small  sphinx  was 
seen  by  Champollion  at  Karnak  (C.N.  ii.  272),  and  may 


FIG.  123.— Pottery  and  silver  rings  of 
Amenhotep  III.     F.P.  ColL 


FIG.  124.— Scarabs  of  Amenhotep  III.    Scale  i :  2. 
*    "Born  at  Thebes." 


F.P.  ColL 


2.  "Beloved  of  all  the  gods  in  the  palace." 

3.  "  Prince,  making  decrees." 

4.  "  Seizing  Sangar. " 

be  one  of  the  sphinxes  now  in  front  of  the  Academy  at 
St.  Petersburg  (Lb.  P.  61). 

Of  divine  figures  of  this  age  there  are  the  innumerable 


196  AMENHOTEP  III  (DYN.  xvin.  9. 

statues  of  Sekhet  in  black  granite,  which  were  mainly 
placed  in  the  temple  of  Mut ;  the  standing  Ptah  in 
diorite  (in  Turin),  and  a  seated  Ptah  in  limestone 
(Turin) ;  Anpu,  seated,  in  basalt  (Sabatier  Coll.). 

The  various  minor  objects  of  this  reign  are  sufficiently 
catalogued  at  the  head  of  this  section.  The  scarabs 
are  peculiar  from  their  large  size  and  long  inscriptions. 
The  text  of  the  more  important  passages  has  been 
already  quoted  ;  and  beside  the  long  texts,  there  are 
many  scarabs  of  unusual  size  with  phrases  of  honour, 
such  as  "beloved  of  all  the  gods  in  the  palace," 
"seizing  Singar,"  "  the  lion  of  princes,"  etc. 

PRIVATE  MONUMENTS. 

The  tombs  and  tablets  of  the  great  officials  of  this 
reign  are  of  much  importance.  The  wealth  and  leisure 
of  all  classes  led  to  the  construction  of  magnificent 
works,  which  far  exceed  in  extent  and  beauty  the  royal 
remains  of  most  other  ages. 

We  begin  with  the  most  celebrated  official  of  Egypt 
in  any  age,  Amenhotep,  the  son  of  Hepu,  the  great 
architect  and  administrator.  On  his  statue  found  at 
Karnak  he  states  :  "  Mustering  (of  troops)  was  done 
under  me,  as  royal  scribe  over  the  recruits.  I  trained 
the  troops  of  my  lord,  my  pen  counted  millions.  ~«i 
appointed  recruits  in  place  of  the  veterans.  I  assessed 
estates  according  to  their  just  number,  and  when 
workmen  left  their  estates  for  me,  I  filled  the  number 
of  the  serfs  from  the  spoil  smitten  by  his  majesty  in 
battle.  I  examined  all  their  gangs,  I  disciplined  the 
decayed.  I  appointed  men  over  the  road*  to  repel 
foreigners  from  their  place,  enclosing  the  two  lands  in 
watching  the  Bedawin  on  the  way.  I  did  likewise  on 
the  water  way,  the  river  mouths  were  joined  by  my 
parties,  beside  the  crews  of  the  royal  ships.  Behold,  I 
guided  their  ways,  they  obeyed  my  orders.  I  acted 
as  chief  at  head  of  my  mighty  men  to  smite  the 
Nubians.  ...  I  counted  the  spoil  of  the  victories  (as 
chief  recorder).  I  was  appointed  overseer  of  all  works. 


B.C.  1414-1379.1  PRIVATE  MONUMENTS  197 

...  I  did  not  imitate  what  had  been  done  before.  .  .  . 
I  acted  with  the  love  of  my  heart  in  undertaking  his 
likeness  in  this  his  great  temple,  in  every  hard  stone 
firm  as  heaven.  I  undertook  the  works  of  his  statues, 
great  in  width,  and  higher  than  his  pylon ;  their 
beauties  eclipsed  the  pylon,  their  length  was  40  cubits 
in  the  noble  rock  of  quartzite.  I  built  a  great  barge, 
I  sailed  it  up  the  river  (i.e.  from  Jebel  Ahmar), 
and  I  fixed  the  statues  in  his  great  temple  firm  like 
heaven." 

The  statue  bearing  this  inscription  is  of  the  quartzite 
breccia  of  Gebel  Ahmar  (Fraas),  and  is  now  at  Ghizeh 
(V.G.  212  ;  M.K.  36-7).  The  family  was  of  import- 
ance, as  an  Amenhotep  surnamed  Hepu  (who  was 
already  dead  early  in  Tahutmes  III.)  is  named  in  the 
tomb  of  Aahmes  Peirnekheb  (L.D.  iii.  43  b).  The  high 
position  of  this  architect  is  shown  by  his  acting  in  the 
absence  of  the  king  (then  visiting  the  Delta)  at  the 
founding  of  the  temple  of  Deir  el  Medineh.  The  stele 
which  records  this  is  apparently  a  later  hieratic  copy  ; 
it  states  that  "  Xlth  year,  Khoiak  6,  under  Amenhotep, 
etc.  This  day  there  was  in  the  temple  of  Kak,  the 
heir,  the  royal  scribe  Amenhotep.  There  came  to  him 
the  governor  Amenhotep ;  the  treasurer  Meriptah ; 
and  the  royal  scribe  of  the  troops.  He  said  to  them 
before  His  Majesty,  *  Listen  to  the  orders  which  are 
made  for  the  management  of  the  temple  of  Kak  by  the 
heir,  the  royal  scribe  Amenhotep,  named  Hui  son  of 
Hap.'"  He  recites  them  the  gift  of  male  and  female 
servants,  and  curses  any  who  should  remove  the 
endowment  (B.I.H.D.  xxix.  ;  C.E.  ii.  324  ;  A.Z.  xiii. 
123).  Beside  this  high  position,  the  reputation  of  this 
great  man  lasted  till  late  ages.  The  copy  of  the  above 
stele  is  Ptolemaic.  And  in  a  Ptolemaic  sculpture  in 
the  rock  chapel  at  Deir  el  Bahri  he  is  represented 
standing  with  an  "  adoration  by  the  scribe  of  recruits, 
Amenhotep  son  of  Hepu"  (D.H.  ii.  7).  He  was 
correlated  with  Imhotep  both  at  Medinet  Habu 
and  at  Deir  el  Bahri  (A.Z.  xxv.  117).  Papyri  were 
attributed  to  him,  as  one  in  Paris,  entitled  "Book  of 


198  AMENHOTEP  III  IDYN.  XVIIL  9. 

the  mysteries  of  the  form  found  by  the  royal  chief 
reciter  Amenhotep  son  of  Hapi,  and  which  he  made 
for  himself  as  an  amulet  to  preserve  his  members. " 
This  is  a  litany  of  magic  names  (Ms.  M.P.L.  58). 
Lastly,  Josephus  names  him,  saying  that  king  Amen- 
ophis desired  to  see  one  of  the  gods,  "he  also  com- 
municated his  desire  to  his  namesake  Amenophis,  who 
was  the  son  of  Paapis,  and  one  who  seemed  to  partake 
of  a  divine  nature,  both  as  to  wisdom  and  the  know- 
ledge of  futurities  "  ;  and,  further,  he  "called  to  mind 
what  Amenophis  son  of  Paapis  had  foretold  him " 
(Cont.  Ap.  i.  26;  see  also  A.Z.  xv.  147).  The  other 
officials  known  are : — 

Amenhotep,  vizier,  law-maker,  overseer  of  all  works 

of  the  king,  who  may  be  the  same  as  the  above 

son   of  Hepu.     Two  statues  found   at  Bubastis 

(N.B.  32). 

Amenhotep)  royal  scribe,  general,  adoring  cartouches 

atBigeh(C.N.  i.  161). 

Amenhotep)  royal  scribe,  Soleb  (L.D.  iii.  83). 
Amenhotep)  royal  scribe,  tablet  (B.  Mus.  151). 
Amenhotep)  the  am'khent.     Tomb,  Thebes.     Bears  a 
sphinx   with   the   ka   name  of  Amenhotep    III. 
Also   two   bearers   of  sceptres   with   titles   and 
names  of  Am.  III.,   making  monuments  to  his 
father  Ptah  (M.A.F.  i.  28). 
AahmeS)  governor  of  the  town,  adoring  cartouches, 

Konosso  (L.D.  iii.  82  d). 
Aa'nen)  seal-bearer,  second  prophet  of  Amen.    Statue, 

Turin  (Rec.  iii.  126). 

Amen'em'hat)  called  Surer,  chief  semer,  fan-bearer, 
royal  scribe,  keeper  of  palace,  born  of  royal 
favourite  Mut'tuy.  Statue  kneeling  holding 
stele,  Louvre  (P.R.  L  i) ;  statuette,  Louvre 
(P.R.  ii.  38) ;  tablet,  Aix  (P.R.  ii.  38) ;  torso,  B. 
Mus.  (Lb.  D.  604). 

Amen'nekht)  princess,  prays  with  her  mother, 
Mut'nefert,  before  Amenhotep-  III.,  because  "  he 
praises  her  beautiful  face  and  honours  her 
beauty,"  Ushabti  box,  Berlin  (B.C.  90). 


C.  WIST*!  PRIVATE  MONUMENTS  199 

Amu'n'zeh,    tomb   finished   under    Am.    III.  ;    royal 

follower  (M.A.F.  v.  352  ;  Rec.  vii.  45).    Qurneh. 
Anhur'mes,  scribe  of  works   of  temple  of  Am.  III. 

Cone  (P.S.  xxiii.  84). 
Baken'khonsu,    high    priest    of   Amen,    overseer    of 

prophets  of  all  the  gods.     Naos,  red  sandstone, 

Karnak  (R.E.  ix.  28). 
Hebykhetf,  prince  of  Memphis,  adoring  cartouches, 

Aswan  (M.I.  28,  8). 


FIG.  125.— Head  of  Khaemhat.     Thebes,  Berlin. 

Hory  architect,  stele,  B.  Mus.  (T.S.B.A.  viii.  143). 
Hor'ewheb,  royal   scribe.      Tomb,  Thebes  (M.A.F. 

v.  432). 
Hotep)  fan-bearer  before  Am.  III.  and  Thyi,  Aswan 

(M.I.  i.  41,  181). 

Kahu,  stele,  B.  Mus.  (Lb,  D.  674). 
Kha*em9hat>  royal  scribe  of  the  granaries  of  south 


zoo  AMENHOTEP  III  IDYN.  xvm.  9. 

and  north,  etc.  Tomb,  Thebes  (M.A.F.  i.  116; 
C.N.  i.  498;  C.M.  160;  Pr.  A.  ;  L.D.  iii.  76-7); 
slab  at  Berlin  (B.C.  103). 

Kherfu,  treasurer,  royal  scribe,  keeper  of  the  palace, 
adoring  cartouches,  Aswan  (M.I.  i.  44,  4) ;  statue, 
Berlin  (B.C.  83) ;  base  of  statue,  Bubastis 
(N.B.  33). 

Men,  son  of  Horammu,  sculptor.  Stele  in  style  of 
Tell  el  Amarna,  at  Aswan  ;  adoration  of  Am. 
III.  as  a  great  statue,  and  his  ka ;  by  the  chief 
of  works  in  the  red  mountain,  over  the  artists  of 
great  monuments  of  the  king.  (Tablet  of  his 
son  Bak,  see  next  reign)  (M.I.  i.  40,  174). 
'  Mermes,  royal  son  of  Kush,  adoration  before  car- 
touches, Aswan  (P.S.  274)  ;  adoring,  with 
Kherfu,  Aswan  (M.I.  i.  39,  177);  Konosso 
(L.D.  iii.  82  b)  ;  Sehel  (M.I.  i.  91,  96)  ;  alabaster 
canopic  jar  (B.  Mus.) ;  cones. 

Mery,  sam  priest.     Soleb  (L.D.  iii.  84). 

Nebt'ka'bani)  nurse  of  princess  Satamen.  Stele, 
Abydos,  G.  Mus.  (M.A.  ii.  49). 

Nefer'sekherU)  royal  scribe,  keeper  of  palace  (C.N. 
i.  524).  Tomb,  Qurneh. 

Pa*nehesty  prophet  of  king,  Turin,  statue  (Lb.  D.  607). 

Pa'sar,  in  tomb  of  Horemheb  (B.R.  ii.  66  c;  not  in 
M.A.F.). 

Ptah'mer,  noble,  eyes  and  ears  of  the  king,  keeper  of 
the  palace  of  Maa*neb*ra.  Stele,  Leyden  (Lb.  D. 
608). 

Ptah'meSy  A,  father,  Menkheperra  ;  son,  Paneterhon  ; 
noble  heir,  high  priest  of  Memphis,  chancellor, 
sole  companion.  Statue,  breccia,  Florence  (S. 
Cat.  F.  1505) ;  naos,  Abydos,  G.  Mus.  (M.A. 
ii.  32 ;  S.  Cat.  F.  p.  203).  Living  under 
Tahutmes  III.  and  Amenhotep  III. 

Ptah'mes,  B,  father,  Tahutimes;  brother  (?)  Ptah'mer; 
son,  Khay  ;  noble  heir>  high  priest  of  Memphis, 
overseer  of  all  the  prophets  of  the' south  and  north, 
Statue,  grey  granite,  Thebes,  Florence  (S.  Cat. 
F.  1506);  stele,  Memphis  (S.  Cat.  F.  1570); 


B.C.  14X4-I379-]  PRIVATE  MONUMENTS  201 

stele,  Leyden  (S.  Cat.  F.  p.  205)  ;  cubit, 
Leyden  (S.  Cat.  F.  p.  205)  ;  palette,  basalt 
(P.R.  i.  93).  A  or  B  is  adored  on  stele  of 
Ptatrankh  (S.  Cat.  F.  1571).  B  living  under 
Amenhotep  III. 

(The  above  persons  have  been  confused, 
but  their  parentage  and  titles  serve  to  distin- 
guish them.  Paneterhon  of  Florence,  1679, 
cannot  be  the  son  of  Ptalrmes  A,  as  his  father 
is  Mahuy.  The  very  different  styles  of  the 
Florence  statues,  1505  and  1506,  would  well 
agree  to  the  beginning  and  the  end  of  the  long 
reign  of  Amenhotep  III.) 
Ptah'mes,  C,  high  priest  of  Amen,  governor  of  south 

Thebes.     Stele,  Avignon  (W.G.  395). 
Rirmen'kheper^  son  of  king  Amenhotep  II.  ?     Stele, 

Bigeh  (C.N.  i.  161). 

Ra'meS)  A,  vizier,  at  Soleb  dedication  (L.D.  iii.  83)  ; 
rock  stele,  Bigeh,  adoring  cartouches  (P.S. 
334)  ;  another  stele,  Bigeh  (C.N.  i.  614)  ;  rock 
stele,  Sehel,  adoring  cartouches  and  Anket 
(M.D.  70,  21). 
Ra*meS)  B,  general,  overseer  of  palace.  Tomb,  Tell 

el  Amarna  (M.A.F.  i.  10). 

Sa-ast,  called  Pa'nekhu.     Stele,  Turin  (Rec.  iii.  125). 

Sa'mut,  kher  heb>  at  Soleb  dedication  (L.D.  iii.  84)  ; 

=  (?)  treasurer,  translator  of  the  messengers  in 

the  palace,   second  prophet  of  Amen.     Tomb, 

Thebes  (C.N.  i.  539). 

Sebek'mes,   treasurer.      Rock  stele,  Aswan,  by  river 

(M.I.  i.  44,  2). 
Sebek'nekht,   noble  heir,    keeper   of  palace.      Stele, 

Munich  (Lb.  D.  6n). 

Tahutimes,  father  of  Ptahmes  B  (?  son  of  Ptahmes  A). 
Stele,  Leyden  (S.  Cat.  F.  p.  205)  ;  stele,  Flor- 
ence  (S.  Cat.  F.  1570). 
TahutimeS)  overseer  of  serfs.     Stele,  B.  Mus.  (Lb.  D. 


Userhat)  keeper  of  palace  of  Tyi  in  Thebes  ;  in  tomb 
of  Khonsu,  Qurneh  (Rams.  II.). 


AMENHOTEP  III 


[DYN.  xvm.  9, 


Amenhotep  was  adored  as  a  god  after  his  death,  but 

not  as  much  as  might 
be  expected.  At  Soleb 
his  son  Akhenaten  (so 
written)  appears  in 
regular  royal  dress, 
and  not  in  his  peculiar 
style,  adoring  the  king. 
At  Aswan,  Men,  the 
sculptor,  adores  the 
great  statue.  At  Mem- 
phis the  king  was  also 
adored  (Pap.  Sail,  iv., 
pi.  2,  verso).  A  stele 
of  a  priest  of  Amen- 
hotep III.  bears  an 
adoration  to  Osiris, 
Isis,  Amenhotep,  and 
Tyi  (C.N.  ii.  703). 
And  a  statue  at  Kar- 
nak  bears  a  du  hotep 
suten  prayer  to  Sokar, 
Nefertum,  Sekhet,  and 


FIG.  126. — Aged  head  of  Amenhotep 
III. ,  from  his  tomb. 


Amenhotep  III.  (S.B.A.  xi.  423). 


ROYAL  FAMILY. 

We  have  already  noticed  the  relation  of  the  king  to 
the  Mesopotamian  rulers  of  Mitanni  and  »Kardunyas  ; 
and  the  uncertainty  about  the  parentage  of  his  great 
queen  Tyi,  who  appears  to  have  had  hereditary  rights 
to  the  Egyptian  kingdom  —  probably  through  her 
mother.  The  monuments  of  Tyi  are  numerous.  She 
appears  at  the  sides  of  the  colossi  of  her  husband,  and 
with  him  in  official  scenes,  as  at  Soleb.  Her  parentage 
is  recorded  on  the  large  scarabs,  which  name  her 
father  Yuaa,  and  her  mother  Thuaa  (A.Z.  xviii.  82). 


».c.  I414-I379-J  ROYAL  FAMILY  203 

Her  figure  was  sculptured  in  the  tomb  of  Huy  (No.  2), 
at  Tell  el  Amarna  (L.D.  iii.  jooc;  Pr.  A.).  Two  trial 
pieces  left  in  sculptors'  shops  at  Tell  el  Amarna  show 
her  face  (P.A.  i.  6).  Her  ushabtis  of  alabaster  were 
found  in  the  tomb  of  her  husband  (D.E.  v.  60,  7). 
She  dedicated  altars  to  the  ka  of  Amenhotep  after  his 
death,  of  which  one  has  remained  in  the  remote  country 
town  of  Gurob  (P.I.  xxiv.).  Toilet  boxes  bear  her 
name,  from  Gurob  (P.I.  xxiv.)  and  at  Turin  (Rec.  iii. 
127),  while  numerous  scarabs  and  cowroids  show  her 
name,  sometimes  conjoined  with  that  of  her  husband  ; 
in  two  cases  their  figures  appear  together  (B.  Mus., 
Brocklehurst  Coll.,  P.  Sc.  1305-9),  and  on  one  scarab 
she  is  shown  seated  (B.  Mus.  ;  P.  Sc.  1308).  Her  name 
appears  alone  in  the  quarry  at  Tell  el  Amarna,  probably 
after  her  husband's  death  (P.A.  4,  xlii.). 

Of  queen  Kirgipa  only  one  mention  appears  in  Egypt, 
on  a  scarab  recording  her  entry  into  the  land  with  317 
women  attendants,  who,  doubtless,  spread  the  Syrian 
tastes  in  the  Egyptian  court  (A.Z.  xviii.  82).  Her 
father  is  said  to  be  Satharna ;  and  this  leaves  no 
question  but  that  she  is  Gilukipa,  daughter  of  Su  .  .  . 
king  of  Mitanni,  named  by  Dushratta  in  his  cuneiform 
correspondence  (letters  4  and  n). 

Of  the  children  of  Amenhotep  III.  but  little  is  known. 
Beside  his  son,  afterwards  Akhenaten,  there  is  one 
son,  Tahutimes,  who  may  be  only  a  titular  prince  and 
not  a  relation  (L.K.  385).  Two  daughters  are  known 
from  the  scenes  on  the  temple  of  Soleb,  named  Ast  and 
Henfmerheb  (L.D.  iii.  86  b) ;  Satamen  is  named  on  an 
ebony  slip  from  a  toilet  box  (B.  Mus.  ;  Arch.  Jour.  viii. 
397),  and  on  a  dish  from  Tell  el  Amarna  (P.A.  xiii.  16), 
and  is  shown  seated  as  a  child  on  the  knees  of  her 
nurse,  Nebt'ka'bani,  on  a  stele  from  Abydos  (G.  Mus.  ; 
M.A.  ii.  49) ;  while  Henf  ta'neb  is  only  known  by  a 
piece  of  a  glazed  pottery  kohl  tube  of  hers  found  at 
Gurob  (P.I.  xvii.  20). 

The  princess  Bakt'aten  has  been  usually  placed  as 
a  seventh  and  youngest  daughter  of  Akhenaten.  She 
occurs,  however,  in  a  tomb  of  his  I2th  year,  or  only  six 


AMENHOTEP  III 


[DYN.  xviu.  g 


years  after  the  second  daughter  was  born ;  and  she 
never  appears  among  the  daughters  where  four  (L.D. 
iii.  93)  or  six  (L.D.  iii.  99)  are  shown,  hence  there  is  a 
difficulty  as  to  her  position,  unless  she  died  very  young. 
Her  real  origin  is,  however,  intimated  in  the  tomb  of 
Huya,  the  only  place  where  she  is  represented.  She  is 
there  always  associated  with  Tyi ;  she  sits  by  the  side 
of  Tyi  (L.D.  iii.  icoc),  while  the  daughters  of 
Akhenaten  side  by  their  mother ;  she  alone  follows 


FIG.  127. — Court  artist  Auta  painting  a  statue  of  Bektaten. 

Tyi  (L.D.  iii.  101)  in  a  procession  where  no  other 
children  appear  ;  and  her  figure  is  painted  by  Auta, 
court  artist  to  Tyi  (L.D.  iii.  icoa).  Moreover,  she  is 
never  called  other  than  a  king's  daughter,  whereas  "all 
the  other  princesses  in  every  inscription  are  entitled 
daughters  of  Nefertiti.  Thus,  by  the  difficulty  about 
her  position  in  the  family,  by  her  constant  association 
with  Tyi,  and  by  her  being  differently  entitled  to  all  the 
others,  it  seems  clear  that  she  was  the  youngest  and 
favourite  child  of  Tyi. 


[B.C.  I383-I365.1 


AKHENATEN 


205 


XVIII.  10. 
NEFER-KHI 
(Nap-khui 

EPRU'RA          (        O    I      ' 
*      \             \^             ^ 

«*  1    O     1   ^J  r383- 

^J      \         ?\  ..     ...  •         n         «J     0 

AAAA/sA       J\      n    ^ 

/ 

"      " 

AMEN-HOTEP  IV.          /"    A  r^   —a-~  ci  o  /g    ^ 

NETER'HEK'UAST              1        ^j     /WWVA     ^    g             |      J[         1 

AKHEN*ATEN                 f    ft  /JS*  ^fl?  ***"*   J 

Tomb 

Valley  at  Tell  el  Amarna 

(P.A.  xxxiv.) 

Heliopolis 

Fragments  of  granite 

(A.Z.   xix.    116;    Rec. 

vi.  53). 

Memphis 

Fragments  in  Cairo 

(A.Z.    xix.    116;    S.I. 

ii.  48). 

ft 

Tablet  with  cartouches 

(M.D.  346). 

,, 

Re-used  blocks,  Sydney 

(N.  Aeg.  117-134). 

Mus. 

f 

Stele  of  Huy 

(M.D.  56,  2). 

Gurob 

Fragments  of  scene 

(P.I.  xxiv.  10). 

Kahun 

Papyrus,  5th  year 

(P.I.  50). 

Eshmunen 
Tell  el  Amarna 

Granite  pedestal 
Palace 

(Rev.  Arch.  I.  i.  730). 
(P.A.  7,  pis.  ii.-x.). 

M 

Temple  of  Aten 

(P.A.  1  8). 

J? 

Three    rock    steles,   W. 

(P.A.  5;    Pr.  M.  xiv.  ; 

bank 

L.D.  iii.  91  a-f). 

" 

Eleven    rock    steles,    E. 
bank 

(P.A.    5-6;    Rec.    xv. 
36;   L.D.  iii.    nob, 

1 10 a;  Pr.  M.  xii.). 
(Private  tombs,  see  list  below). 
Death  mask,  G.  Mus.          (P.A.  front). 
Statues,  B.  Mus.,  Amherst(P.A.  18). 
Colossi  (P.A.  9). 

Ushabtis,  G.  Mus.,  F.P.     (P.A.  17). 

Coll. 

Triad,  F.P.  Coll.  (P.A.  i.  i). 

Sculpture  and  trial  piece     (P.A.  i.  5,  9). 
Steles,  E.  Coll.,  G.  Mus.,     (P.A.   xii. ;   V.G.  150, 

A.  Mus.,  Amherst,  in        207). 

pavement  house 
Fragments     of     steles,     (P.  A.). 

sculptures,  vases,  etc. ; 

A.    Mus.,    F.P.    Coll., 

Ph.  Mus.,  etc. 


206 


AMENHOTEP  IV 


[DYN.  XVHI.  10, 


Tell  el  Amarna  Jar  sealings,  A.  Mus 

„  Rings 

Hammamat         Rock  cuttings 


Q 
Ti 


;us  Blocks 

;hebes  Fragments       used       by 

Horemheb 


,,  Stone  on  quay,  Luxor 

,,  Three  stones,  Karnak 

Erment  Block 

Silsileh  Stele  about  building 

E.  Silsileh  Stele  of  Amen  Ra 

Aswan  Stele  of  Bak 

Soleb  King  worshipping  father 


(P.A.  xxi.). 
(P. A.  xiv.  xv.). 
(L.D.    iii.  91  g; 

i.     6;     G.H. 

iii.  5). 

P.M.C 


G.H. 
i.     8, 


(W.M.C.  iii.  52). 

(Pr.  M.  x.-xi.  ;  L.D. 
iii.  noc-g;  iooc  = 
Berl.,  B.C.  2072,  p. 
101  ;  Rec.  vi.  51.) 

(W.G.  399). 

(W.G.  399). 

(W.G.  400). 

(L.D.  iii.  iioi). 

(S.B.A.  xi.  233). 

(M.D.  26 u). 

(L.D.  iii.  nok). 


Statuette  P.  Mus.  (L.D.  iii.  294,  44). 

Shoulder  of          G.  Mus.  (W.G,  402). 

statue,  lime- 
stone 

Fragments    of  Amherst  Coll.  (P.A.  18). 

statues 

Body  of  quartz-    F.P.  Coll. 
ite 

Headofstat-      T.  Mus. 
uette,  lime- 
stone 

Portraits,  best     Young,  Karnak 
„  Older,  P.  Mus. 

,,  Death  mask 

Steles  Quartzite  (G.  Mus.) 

,,  (Paris  Cab.  Med.) 

„  Alabaster  (E.  Coll.,  Berl.) 

,,  Stone  (Berl.) 

Door  jamb          (Berl.) 

fragment 

Cartouche  blocks,  limestone  (Turin) 
„  red  granite  (Sabatier  Coll.) 

,,          limestone  and  blue  glaze,  (Am- 
herst) 

Part  of  altar,  granite  (G.  Mus.) 
Part  of  mortar,  red  granite  (F.  Mus.) 

(F.P.  Coll.) 

Vase,  alabaster,  Leyden. 

Rings,  gold  and  copper,  scarabs,  plaques,  etc. 
Gold  plated  heart  scarab.     Maudsley. 


(L.D.  iii.  294,  42). 
(L.D.  iii.  294,43).     '"- 
(P.A.  front). 
(V.G.  p.  72). 
(Rev.  Arch.  I.  v.  63). 
(B.C.  2045,  p.  97).    • 
(B.C.  10187,  P-  IOI)« 
(B.C.  2069,  p.  joi). 

(L.T.  1378). 
(Rec.  xiv.  55). 
(P.A.  18,  19). 

(V.G.  708). 

(S.  Cat.  F.  p.  53). 


B.C.  1383-1365.]  AKHENATEN  207 

Queen— TADUKHIPA  (?)  NEFERTITI. 

Fragments  of      Amherst  Coll.  (P. A.  18,  i.  13,  15). 

5  statues 
Portraits  Best  ,   (L.D.    iii.    in  ;    P. A. 

14,  xii.). 

Building  Tell  el  Amarna  (P. A.  8,  x.). 

Vases  Fragments  (P. A.  xiii.  23-34). 

Rings,  etc.  (P.A.  xv.). 

Daughters—  Mert'aten,  mar.  Ra'smenkh'ka  (L.D.  iii.  99 a). 
Makt'aten,  died  before  the  king. 
Ankh*s*en'pa*aten  =  Ankhsenamen,    mar.   Tut'ankh* 

amen. 
Nefernefnraten  (L.D.  iii.  93). 

Married  son  of  Burnaburyas,  see  letter  16. 
Nefer'nefnrra  (L.D.  iii.  99). 
Sotep'en'ra  (L.D.  iii.  99). 


The  dated  documents   of  this  reign  are  not  many 
Only  one  bears  the  name  of  Amenhotep,  in 

Vth  year,  Phamenoth  19,  papyrus  letter,  Kahun 
(P.I.  50).  Of  Akhenaten  there  are  the  numerous  dated 
rock  steles,  all  of  the  Vlth  and  VHIth  years  (the 
doubtful  reading-  I  Vth  year  in  L.D.  nob  should 
certainly  be  Vlth  year,  as  shown  by  one  daughter  being 
figured). 

Xllth  year,  Mekhir  8,  visit  of  Tyi,  recorded  in  tomb 
of  Huya  (L.D.  iii.  rooc). 

XVIIth  year,  series  of  wine  jar  inscriptions  ceases  ; 
end  of  reign. 


The  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Amenhotep  IV.  is 
obscure.  That  Tyi  for  a  brief  time  held  the  power  at 
Tell  el  Amarna,  is  indicated  by  her  name  appearing 
alone  in  a  quarry  at  that  place  (P.A.  4,  xlii.) ;  but  this 
may  have  only  been  for  a  few  weeks. 

We  have  already  noticed  that  from  Dushratta's 
letter  (6)  it  appears  that  Amenhotep  III.  was  negotiat- 
ing for  his  son's  marriage  before  his  death  ;  and  from 
another  letter  of  Dushratta  (9)  we  learn  that  Tadukhipa 
was  the  daughter  thus  married  to  Akhenaten,  and  who 
was  known  in  Egypt  as  Nefertiti.  Moreover,  Dush- 


208 


AMENHOTEP  IV 


[DYN.  xvni.  10. 


ratta  alludes  to  the  marriage  in  a  letter  addressed  to 
Amenhotep  III.  This  all  points  to  Akenhaten's  marri- 
age having  occurred  just  about  the  time  of  his  father's 

death,  and  certainly 
before  he  took  over 
affairs  from  his  mother 
Tyi  (see  Dushratta's 
letter  9).  Now,  from 
the  monuments  show- 
ing sometimes  only  one 
daughter  (with  a  re- 
cord inserted  later) 
and  sometimes  two 
daughters  in  his  6th 
year,  it  is  clear  that 
his  second  daughter 
was  born  in  the  close 
of  the  6th  year  of  his 
reign.  This  would 
point  to  his  marriage 
having  taken  place 
early  in  the  4th  year.  And  hence  he  may  very  probably 
have  been  co-regent  with  his  father  in  the  years  before 
his  marriage. 

Now  Manetho  in  Josephus  states  that  Amenhotep  III. 
reigned  30  years  10  months,  and  yet  his  latest  monu- 
ment is  in  his  36th  year,  Mekhir  9.  But  this  is  jtist 
capable  of  a  complete  explanation  by  the  co-regency  of 
his  son.  For,  as  Amenhotep  III.  was  crowned  on  the 
i3th  Epiphi,  his  reign  of  30  years  and  10  months  would 
lead  us  to  date  the  beginning  of  Amenhotep  IV.  about 
the  middle  of  Pakhons  in  his  father's  3ist  year. 
Hence  the  date  of  the  Sarbut  el  Khadem  stfele  on  Mekhir 
9  in  the  36th  year  would  be  just  40  days  before  the 
earliest  date  of  Amenhotep  IV.  on  Phamenoth  19,  year  5, 
which  implies  the  decease  of  his  father.  The  old  king 
appears  then  to  have  died  within  the  few  weeks  between 
these  dates. 

As  there  are  many  works  of  the  6th  year  of  Amen- 
hotep IV. ,  his  father  was  certainly  then  dead  ;  and  this 


FIG.  128. — Young  head  of  Amenhotep  IV. 


B.C.  1383-1365-] 


AKHENATEN 


209 


limits  us  to  fix  his  father's  death  in  any  case  within  a 
few  months  after  the  stele  of  his  36th  year.  (See 
further  the  endorse- 
ment on  Tell  el 
Amarna,  letter  No. 
8). 

The  parentage  of 
Nefertiti  has  been 
assigned  (Rec.  vi. 
52)  to  Tyi  ;  a  view 
which  is  contra- 
dicted by  the  ex- 
press reference  of 
Dushratta  (letter  9) 
to  Tadukhipa  his 
daughter,  Tyi's 
daughter-in-law. 
This  view  has  been 
based  on  a  misread- 
ing of  the  title  of 
Tyi,  seten'mut'seten* 
hemt'urt)  as  if  it 
vtvcsseten'mut'errseten'hemt'urt  (L.D.  iii.  icoc).  That 
the  first  is  the  true  reading,  is  plain  from*  a  repetition 
of  the  title  twice  in  the  same  tomb  (pi.  101),  where 
there  is  no  n  after  seten,  and  where  the  titles  are 
inserted  as  seten'hemt'urfrseten'muty  so  that  the  mean- 
ing is  evidently  that  Tyi  was  not  "  royal  mother  of  the 
king's  wife,"  but  "  royal  wife  and  royal  mother."  This 
is  also  shown  by  Nezenrmut  being  distinguished  as 
"the  sister  of  Nefertiti"  (L.D.  iii.  109),  and  not  as 
"daughter  of  Tyi,"  which  would  have  been  the  more 
important  relationship  had  it  existed. 

That  Nefertiti  had  an  hereditary  claim  to  the 
Egyptian  throne,  is  shown  by  her  titles :  she  was  the 
erpaturt)  hent  hemtu  neb,  the  "great  heiress,  princess 
of  all  women,"  and  "the  princess  of  south  and  north, 
the  lady  of  both  lands."  These  titles,  like  the  titles  of 
Tyi,  imply  an  hereditary  right  to  rule  Egypt ;  and  such 
a  right  would  exist  had  Dushratta  married  an  Egyptian 
II — 14 


FIG.  129. — Head  of  Amenhotep  IV. 


AMENHOTEP  IV 


[DYN.  xvm.  xo. 


princess  who  became  mother  of  Tadukhipa  Nefertiti. 
Such  a  marriage  is  very  probable,  looking-  at  the  letters 
that  passed,  the  equality  of  terms  between  Dushratta 
and  his  brother-in-law  Amenhotep  III.,  and  his  asking 
as  a  matter  of  course  for  an  Egyptian  wife  for  him- 
self. 

It  seems,  then,  that  we  may  approximately  reckon  that 
the  accession  of  Amenhotep  IV.  was  in  Pakhons  in  his 
father's  3ist  year  ;  that  about  Epiphi,  or  early  in  his  4th 
year,  he  married  Nefertiti  (  =  Tadukhipa,  daughter  of 
Dushratta),  who  did  not  at  first  take  the  name  A  ten* 

neferneferu  (P.A.  xiii. 
23)  ;  that  in  his  4th  year 
he  still  worshipped  Ra 
Harakhti  (Ostrakon, 
P.A.  33)  ;  that  in  his  5th 
year,  Mekhir  9,  his  father 
was  yet  alive,  but  prob- 
ably died  before  Phame- 
noth  19.  That  in  the 
end  of  the  5th  year  the 
tomb  of  Rames  at  Thebes 
was  begun  before  the 
artists  had  given  up  the 
boyish  face  of  Amen- 
hotep, and  adopted  -the 
new  style  of  art ;  also  a 
great  building  of  Silsileh 
stone  was  begun  at 
Thebes  (L.D.  iii.  1 10  i)  under  the  old  style  of  art.  Then, 
early  in  his  6th  year,  he  shook  off  the  worship  of  Amen, 
and  even  of  the  hawk-headed  Horus,  adopted  the  Aten 
worship,  took  the  name  Akhenaten,  established  a  new 
capital  at  Tell  el  Amarna,  and  erected  the  rock  tablets 
defining  the  new  city,  before  the  birth  of  his  second 
daughter  in  the  6th  year.  After  the  second  daughter 
was  born  came  the  change  of  his  name  at  Thebes 
(Pr.  M.  xi.  3),  and  still  later  the  change  of  his  facial 
type  at  Thebes  (Pr.  M.  x.  i,  2). 

Having  now  traced  the  detail  of  his  earlier  years,  we 


FIG.  130.— Amenhotep  IV.  supporting 
the  cartouches  of  the  Aten  :  from  a 
scarab.  F.P.  Coll. 


B.C.  1383-1365.!  THE  ATEN  WORSHIP  211 

turn  to  the  great  phenomenon  of  this  reign,  the  conver- 
sion of  the  king  and  the  court.  This  change  took  place, 
as  we  have  seen,  early  in  the  6th  year  of  the  reign.  The 
age  of  Akhenaten  is  an  all-important  factor  in  the 
question  ;  and  this  is  indicated  in  two  ways.  His 
marriage  was  only  just  before  his  conversion,  perhaps 
two  years  at  most.  The  conversion  cannot  then  be  put 
before  his  i8th  year,  or  probably  rather  later.  But,  on 
the  other  hand,  all  his  portraits  before  the  change  show 
a  distinctly  boyish  type,  and  are  like  his  father  Amen- 
hotep  III.,  while  after  the  change  they  are  like  his 
mother  Tyi.  Such  a  transition  from  the  type  of  one 
parent  to  that  of  the  other  on  reaching  adolescence  is 
not  unlikely,  but  it  certainly  could  not  be  put  later  than 
the  fixation  of  the  features  at  about  15  or  16  years  of 
age.  The  artistic  recognition  of  the  change  lagged,  no 
doubt,  and  more  at  Thebes  than  at  Tell  el  Amarna ; 
but  the  change  being  shown  not  earlier  than  his  i8th 
year  of  age,  points  to  his  not  being  much  beyond  that 
age  in  any  case.  Now  this  consideration  of  his  age 
points  plainly  to  his  not  being  a  principal  in  the  revolu- 
tion, but  being  acted  on  by  some  older  and  more 
responsible  party.  A  lad  of  18  cannot  be  supposed  to 
have  thought  out  a  new  system  of  religion,  ethics,  and 
art  for  himself,  and  to  have  defied  the  whole  feelings 
of  his  country.  The  steady  rise  of  the  Aten  into  notice 
in  the  later  years  of  his  father  (even  before  the  son  was 
born,  as  in  the  boat-name  Aten'neferu  in  the  nth  year), 
shows  that  an  older  influence  was  working.  And  yet 
it  was  an  external  influence,  as  the  whole  system 
utterly  vanished  without  any  party  remaining  in  Egypt 
to  support  it,  when  it  once  collapsed.  Tyi  was  un- 
doubtedly the  main  mover  in  this  change,  as  it  was 
carried  out  completely  just  when  she  had  the  greatest 
power,  as  regent  after  her  husband's  death,  and  con- 
trolled the  boy-king.  Nefertiti — of  the  same  race  as 
Tyi— was  also  a  great  supporter  of  the  movement,  and 
probably  her  marriage  precipitated  it. 

But  here  we  are  met  by  the  reminder  that  the  Aten 
was  the  old  worship  of  Heliopolis,  that  the  high  priest 


212 


AKHENATEN 


[DYN.  XVXIL  xo. 


FIG.  131. — Cartouches  of 
the  Aten. 


had  the  title  of  that  of  Heliopolis,  and  that  there  was 
nothing  new  to  Egypt  but  a  few  externals.  This  may 
no  doubt  be  technically  true  so  far  as  mere  words  go, 
but  a  glance  at  the  feeling  and  character  of  the  whole 
age  marks  it  out  as  due  to  some 
completely  un- Egyptian  influ- 
ence, which  no  Heliopolitan 
source  could  ever  have  origin- 
ated. That  the  sun  was  wor- 
shipped as  the  Aten  in  what 
appears  to  have  been  the  old 
centre  of  the  invading  Meso- 
potamian  race  and  religion  at 
Heliopolis,  does  not  disprove 
that  the  Syrian  Adon  had  any- 
thing to  do  with  it ;  but  only  points  to  the  worship  of  the 
sun  as  lord,  Adon,  having  come  in  ages  before,  and  being 
used  as  an  Egyptian  stem  on  which  to  graft  a  re-importa- 
tion of  the  foreign  ideas  in  the  later  age.  The  old  Aten 
worship  does  not  exclude  the  influence  of  the  Adon, 
but  is  rather  the  very  thing  itself,  ready  to  revert  to 
its  foreign  and  un-Egyptian  type  when  a  fresh  wave  of 
Asiatic  ideas  came  in.  That  the  name  Adon,  for  lord, 
was  an  old  Syrian  word,  apart  altogether  from  the 
Semitic  influence  of  the  Jewish  conquest,  is  shown  by 
the  names  of  Adonizedek,  king  of  Jerusalem,  Adoni- 
bezek,  king  of  Bezek,  and  the  general  use  of  the  name 
Adonis  in  northern  Syria,  there  applied  not  to  the  sun- 
god,  but  to  the  vegetation  god. 

The  religious  changes  were  profound.  In  place  of  the 
devotion  to  Amen,  which  had  completely  enthralled  the 
previous  kings,  the  very  name  of  Amen  was  proscribed 
and  erased  throughout  the  country.  One  only  of  the 
old  deities,  Maat,  appears  on  the  sculptures  of  Akhen- 
aten ;  once  as  a  full-sized  protecting  deity  before  his 
conversion  (tomb  of  Ra'mes,  Thebes),  and  after  that 
only  as  an  emblem  of  truth,  a  small  figure  held  in  the 
hand.  Maat  is  also  constantly  named  by  the  king,  but 
only  as  the  abstract  idea  of  truth,  and  not  as  a  deity. 
Before  each  of  his  cartouches  he  adopted  the  title 


B.C.  1383-1365-] 


THE  ATEN  WORSHIP 


213 


Ankh'em'maaty  "  Living  in  Truth"  ;  and  in  face  of  his 
overwhelming  devotion  to  the  Aten-sun,  it  is  clear  that 
this  refers  to  the  abstract  quality  and  not  to  a  concrete 
deity. 


FIG.  132. — Akhenaten  and  Nefertiti.  The  rays  holding  a  uraeus,  an 
ankh,  four  supporting  the  king,  another  holding  an  ankh,  and  three 
supporting  the  queen. 

The  same  tendency  to  the  abstract  is  shown  in  the 
sun-worship.  Other  ages  had  worshipped  the  human- 
figured  sun-god  Ra,  or  a  hawk  as  his  emblem ;  and 


214  AKHENATEN  CDYN.  xvm.  xo- 

when  the  sun  itself  was  represented,  it  was  as  a  con- 
crete solid  ball.  But  a  more  refined  and  really  philo- 
sophical worship  was  substituted  for  this  by  Akhenaten, 
that  of  the  radiant  energy  of  the  sun,  of  the  sun  as 
sustaining  all  life  by  his  beams.  No  one  —  sun- 
worshipper  or  philosopher — seems  to  have  realised 
until  within  this  century  the  truth  which  was  the  basis 
of  Akhenaten's  worship,  that  the  rays  of  the  sun  are 
the  means  of  the  sun's  action,  the  source  of  all  life, 
power,  and  force  in  the  universe.  This  abstraction  of 
regarding  the  radiant  energy  as  all-important  was  quite 
disregarded,  until  recent  views  of  the  conservation  of 
force,  of  heat  as  a  mode  of  motion,  and  the  identity  of 
heat,  light,  and  electricity,  have  made  us  familiar  with 
the  scientific  conception  which  was  the  characteristic 
feature  of  Akhenaten's  new  worship.  In  every  sculp- 
ture he  is  shown  adoring  the  Aten,  which  radiates  above 
him  ;  an  utterly  new  type  in  Egypt,  distinct  from  all 
previous  sculptures.  Each  ray  ends  in  a  hand,  and 
these  hands  lay  hold  of  the  king  and  queen,  and  support 
their  bodies  and  limbs,  sustain  their  crowns,  give  the 
power  symbolised  by  the  royal  uraeus,  and  the  life 
symbolised  by  the  ankh  pressed  to  their  lips.  If  this 
were  a  new  religion,  invented  to  satisfy  our  modern 
scientific  conceptions,  we  could  not  find  a  flaw  in  the 
correctness  of  this  view  of  the  energy  of  the  solar 
system.  How  much  Akhenaten  understood  we  can-*"* 
not  say,  but  he  had  certainly  bounded  forward  in 
his  views  and  symbolism  to  a  position  which  we 
cannot  logically  improve  upon  at  the  present  day. 
Not  a  rag  of  superstition  or  of  falsity  can  be  found 
clinging  to  this  new  worship  evolved  out  of  the  old 
Aten  of  Heliopolis,  the  sole  lord  or  *Adon  of  the 
universe. 

The  great  hymn  to  the  Aten  is  evidently  an  original 
composition  of  this  reign,  and  in  view  of  the  large  share 
in  the  new  worship  taken  personally  by  the  king,  it  is 
probable  that  this  hymn  is  partly  or  wholly  his  own 
composition.  It  has  been  fully  edited  by  Professor 
Breasted,  and  is  here  translated  by  Mr.  Griffith.  After 


B.C.  1383-1365.]  THE  ATEN  WORSHIP  215 

an  introduction  stating  that  the  king  and  queen  adore 
the  Aten,  the  hymn  begins  : — 

(Aten  ruling  the  course  of  the  day.)  [Morning 

Thy  appearing  is  beautiful  in  the  horizon  of  heaven, 
The  Living  Aten,  the  beginning  of  life  ; 
Thou  risest  in  the  horizon  of  the  east, 
Thou  fillest  every  land  with  thy  beauty. 

[Noon 

Thou  art  very  beautiful,  brilliant  and  exalted  above  earth, 
Thy  beams  encompass  all  lands  which  thou  hast  made. 
Thou  art  the  sun,  thou  settest  their  bounds, 
Thou  bindest  them  with  thy  love. 
Thou  art  afar  off,  but  thy  beams  are  upon  the  land  ; 
Thou  art  on  high,  but  the  day  passes  with  thy  going. 

[Night 

Thou  restest  in  the  western  horizon  of  heaven, 
And  the  land  is  in  darkness  like  the  dead. 

[Men 

They  lie  in  their  houses,  their  heads  are  covered, 
Their  breath  is  shut  up,  and  eye  sees  not  to  eye  ; 
Their  things  are  taken,  even  from  under  their  heads,  and  they 
know  it  not. 

(Beasts 

Every  lion  cometh  forth  from  his  den, 
And  all  the  serpents  then  bite  ; 
The  night  shines  with  its  lights, 
The  land  lies  in  silence  ; 
For  he  who  made  them  is  in  his  horizon. 

(A  fen  ruling  all  living  beings.) 
The  land  brightens,  for  thou  risest  in  the  horizon, 

Shining  as  the  Aten  in  the  day  ; 
The  darkness  flees,  for  thou  givest  thy  beams, 

Both  lands  are  rejoicing  every  day. 

[Men 
Men  awake  and  stand  upon  their  feet, 

For  thou  liftest  them  up  ; 
They  bathe  their  limbs,  they  clothe  themselves, 

They  lift  their  hands  in  adoration  of  thy  rising, 
Throughout  the  land  they  do  their  labours. 

[Animals 
The  cattle  all  rest  in  their  pastures, 

Where  grow  the  trees  and  herbs  ; 
The  birds  fly  in  their  haunts, 

Their  wings  adoring  thy  ka. 
All  the  flocks  leap  upon  their  feet, 
The  small  birds  live  when  thou  risest  upon  them. 


216  AKHENATEN  [DYN.  XVIIL  10. 

[  Waters 

The  ships  go  forth  both  north  and  south, 
For  every  way  opens  at  thy  rising. 
The  fishes  in  the  river  swim  up  to  greet  thee, 
Thy  beams  are  within  the  depth  of  the  great  sea. 

(A  fen  the  source  of  life.)  [Man 

Thou    Greatest    conception  in  women,    making    the     issue    of 

mankind  ; 

Thou  makest  the  son  to  live  in  the  body  of  his  mother, 
Thou  quietest  him  that  he  should  not  mourn, 
Nursing  him  in  the  body,  giving  the  spirit  that  all  his  growth 

may  live. 

When  he  cometh  forth  on  the  day  of  his  birth, 
Thou  ppenest  his  mouth  to  speak,  thou  doest  what  he  needs. 

[Animals 

The  small  bird  in  the  egg,  sounding  within  the  shell, 
Thou  givest  to  it  breath  within  the  egg, 
To  give  life  to  that  which  thou  makest. 
It  gathers  itself  to  break  forth  from  the  egg, 
It  cometh  from  the  egg,  and  chirps  with  all  its  might, 
It  runneth  on  its  feet,  when  it  has  come  forth. 

(A ten  omnipresent.) 

How  many  are  the  things  which  thou  hast  made  ! 
Thou  Greatest  the  land  by  thy  will,  thou  alone, 
With  peoples,  herds,  and  flocks, 

Everything  on  the  face  of  the  earth  that  walketh  on  its  feet, 
Everything  in  the  air  that  flieth  with  its  wings. 

In  the  hills  from  Syria  to  Kush,  and  the  plain  of  Egypt, 
Thou  givest  to  every  one  his  place,  thou  framest  their  lives, 
To  every  one  his  belongings,  reckoning  his  length  of  days  ;    .^ 
Their  tongues  are  diverse  in  their  speech, 

Their  natures  in  the  colour  of  their  skin. 
As  a  divider  thou  dividest  the  strange  peoples. 

(A ten  watering  the  earth.) 

When  thou  hast  made  the  Nile  beneath  the  earth, 
Thou  bringest  it  according  to  thy  will  to  make  the  people  to 

live : 

Even  as  thou  hast  formed  them  unto  thyself,  * 
Thou  art  throughout  their  lord,  even  in  their  weakness. 

Oh,  lord  of  the  land  that  risest  for  them. 

Aten  of  the  day,  revered  by  every  distant  land,  thou  makest 

their  life, 

Thou  placest  a  Nile  in  heaven  that  it  may,  rain  upon  them, 
That  it  may  make  waters  upon  the  hills  like  the  great  sea, 
Watering  their  fields  amongst  their  cities. 
How  excellent  are  thy  ways  ! 


.  1383-1365-] 


THE  ATEN  WORSHIP 


217 


Oh,  lord  of  eternity,  the  Nile  in  heaven  is  for  the  strange  people, 

And  all  wild  beasts  that  go  upon  their  feet. 
The  Nile  that  cometh  from  below  the  earth  is  for  the  land  of 

Egypt, 

That  it  may  nourish  every  field. 
Thou  shinest  and  they  live  by  thee. 

(A  fen  causing  the  seasons.) 

Thou  makest  the  seasons  of  the  year  to  create  all  thy  works  ; 
The  winter  making  them  cool,  the  summer  giving  warmth. 
Thou  makest  the  far-off  heaven,  that  thou  mayest  rise  in  it, 
That  thou  mayest  see  all  that  thou  madest  when  thou  wast 
alone. 


FIG,  133.— Akhenaten,  Nefertiti,  and  daughters. 


Rising  in  thy  forms  as  the  living  Aten, 

Shining  afar  off  and  returning, 

The  villages,  the  cities,  and  the  tribes,  on  the  road  and  the 
river, 

All  eyes  see  thee  before  them, 
Thou  art  the  Aten  of  the  day  over  all  the  land. 
(Aten  revealed  to  the  iking.) 

Thou  art  in  my  heart,  there  is  none  who  knoweth  thee,  except- 
ing thy  son  Nefer*kheperu'ra*ua'en'ra ; 

Thou  causest  that  he  should  have  understanding,  in  thy  ways 
and  in  thy  might. 


2i8  AKHENATEN  CDVH.  xvm.  xo. 

The  land  is  in  thy  hand,  even  as  thou  hast  made  them : 

Thou  shinest  ana  they  live,  and  when  thou  settest  they  die  ; 

For  by  thee  the  people  live,  they  look  on  thy  excellencies  until 
thy  setting1. 

They  lay  down  all  their  labours  when  thou  settest  in  the  west, 

And  when  thou  risest  they  grow  ........ 

Since  the  day  that  thou  laidest  the  foundations  of  the  earth, 

Thou  raisest  them  up  for  thy  son  who  came  forth  from  thy  sub- 
stance, 

The  king  of  Egypt,  living  in  Truth,  lord  of  both  lands,  Nefer 
khepenrra'ua'en'ra, 

Son  of  the  sun,  living  in  Truth,  Akhenaten,  great  in  his  duration  ; 

And  the  great  royal  wife,  his  beloved,  lady  of  both  lands, 
Nefer'neferu'Aten, 

Nefert'iti,  living  and  flourishing  for  ever  eternally.". 

In  this  hymn  all  trace  of  polytheism,  and  of  anthro- 
pomorphism, or  theriomorphism,  has  entirely  disap- 
peared. The  power  of  the  sun  to  cause  and  regulate 
all  existence  is  the  great  subject  of  praise  ;  and  careful 
reflection  is  shown  in  enumerating  the  mysteries  of  the 
power  of  the  Aten  exemplified  in  the  animation  of 
nature,  reproduction,  the  variety  of  races,  and  the 
source  of  the  Nile,  and  watering  by  rain.  It  would 
tax  any  one  in  our  days  to  recount  better  than  this  the 
power  and  action  of  the  rays  of  the  sun.  And  no  con- 
ception that  can  be  compared  with  this  for  scientific 
accuracy  was  reached  for  at  least  three  thousand  years 
after  it.  The  impress  of  the  new  Aten  worship  on  the 
old  formula  is  curiously  given  by  a  stele  found  aT~ 
Sakkara.  It  reads,  "a  royal  offering  to  the  Aten" 
(or,  on  the  other  side,  "to  Aten,  prince  of  the  two 
horizons,  the  sole  god  "),  "  living  in  truth,  made  by  the 
overseer  of  the  merchants  of  the  temple  of  Aten,  Huy." 
Here  not  only  is  the  god's  name  changed,  but  the  ka 
has  disappeared,  and  the  offering  is  "made  by"  (an) 
such  an  one  (M.D.  56,  2). 

In  ethics  a  great  change  also  marks  this  age.  The 
customary  glorying  in  war  has  almost  disappeared  ; 
only  once,  and  that  in  a  private  tomb,  is  there  any 
indication  of  war  during  the  reign.  The  motto  "  Liv- 
ing in  Truth  "  is  constantly  put  forward  as  the  keynote 
to  the  king's  character,  and  to  his  changes  in  various 


B.C.  1383-1365.] 


THE  ATEN  WORSHIP 


219 


lines.  And  domestic  affection  is  held  up  as  his  ideal  of 
life,  the  queen  and  children  being  shown  with  him  on 
every  occasion. 


FIG.  134. — Group  of  women.    Tell  el  Amarna. 

In  art  the  aim  was  the  direct  study  of  nature,  with  as 
little  influence  as  possible  from  convention  ;  animals  in 
rapid  motion,  and  natural 
grouping  of  plants,  were 
specially  studied,  and  treated 
in  a  manner  more  natural  than 
in  any  other  Oriental  art. 
This  may  be  best  seen  in  the 
pavement  frescoes,  and  the 
columns  covered  with  creepers, 
found  at  Tell  el  Amarna  (P.A. 
ii.-viii.). 

The  length  of  the  reign  is 
indicated  by  the  dating  on 
the  series  of  wine  jar  frag- 
ments found  at  Tell  el  Amarna. 
These  extend  to  year  17,  and 
point  therefore  to  a  reign 
of  17  or  1 8  years.  From  these  same  jar  datings  we 
glean  that  the  succeeding  king,  Ra'smenkh'ka,  was 
co-regent  with  Akhenaten  for  a  time;  there  are  no 
dates  of  the  first  year,  and  no  wine  dates  of  the 
third  year,  but  plenty  of  the  second.  This  points  to 
Ra'smenkh'ka  having  been  associated  in  his  first  year, 
independent  in  his  second,  and  having  left  the  place  in 


FIG.  135. —Foliage  on  column. 
Tell  el  Amarna. 


220  AKHENATEN  [DYN.  xvm.  to. 

the  third  year.  Such  a  co-regency  is  also  pointed  out 
by  the  frequency  of  the  rings  of  his  naming  him 
"  beloved  of  Ra*nefer*kheperu,"  or  "  beloved  of  Ua'n* 
Ra "  ;  thus  indicating  his  being  dependent  on  Akhen- 
aten.  Of  such  rings  there  are  25  known,  against 
bnly  1 8  with  the  name  Ra*ankh%kheperu  alone.  So  by 
the  proportion  he  would  seem  to  have  lived  at  Tell  el 
Amarna  mainly  as  a  co-regent. 

MONUMENTS. 

The  tomb  of  Akhenaten  was  excavated  in  a  branch 
of  one  of  the  great  valleys  which  open  on  the  plain  of 
Tell  el  Amarna.  The  situation  resembles  that  of  the 
tomb  of  Amenhotep  III.  at  Thebes,  but  is  more  remote, 
being  seven  miles  from  the  river  (P. A.  xxxiv.).  The 
entrance  is  at  the  floor  of  a  small  side  valley ;  the 
passage,  after  descending  a  short  way,  has  a  chamber 
on  the  right  hand,  which  is  covered  with  scenes  of  the 
mourning  for  the  second  daughter,  Makt'aten,  showing 
that  she  died  before  her  father.  A  passage  also  on  the 
right  side  leads  round  to  what  seems  to  have  been  the 
beginning  of  a  parallel  tomb  to  the  main  one,  but  it 
was  left  unfinished.  The  main  tomb  passage  descends 
onward  until  it  reaches  a  level  chamber  supported 
formerly  by  four  pillars  ;  on  the  right  side  of  this  is_  a 
smaller  chamber.  The  main  chamber  has  been  all 
carved  and  painted  on  a  stucco  coat ;  this  has  now 
dropped  off,  or  been  destroyed,  leaving  only  traces  of  the 
work  where  it  had  been  cut  through  to  the  limestone 
rock.  In  this  chamber  were  fragments  of  a  red  granite 
sarcophagus  covered  with  sculpture,  and  many  pieces 
of  granite  ushabtis.  The  tomb  was  discovered  by  the 
natives  many  years  ago,  and  a  heart  scarab  with  gold 
plate  was  then  sold  at  Thebes.  In  1891,  M.  Gr^baut 
obtained  knowledge  of  the  tomb,  and  it  was  cleared 
irregularly  and  without  continuous  supervision,  the 
men  employed  selling  the  objects  that  were  found.  I 
describe  it  here  from  memory ;  and  the  only  plan  yet 
published  is  a  sketch  in  A.R.,  E.E.  Fund,  1892,  p.  12, 


B.C.  1383-1365-]  MONUMENTS  221 

Near  it  are  two  other  tombs  in  an  adjacent  branch  of 
the  valley ;  but  these  are  equally  unpublished,  and,  so 
far  as  I  know,  not  yet  cleared. 

In  considering  the  positions  of  the  works  of  Akhen- 
aten,  it  must  always  be  remembered  that  (unlike  those 
of  any  other  reign)  they  were  very  extensive  at  Tell 
el  Amarna,  and  were  all  completely  swept  away  from 
there  in  a  short  time.  Hence  they  would  not  be  used 
up — like  other  buildings — simply  for  local  purposes  ; 
but  they  had  to  be  quickly  got  rid  of,  at  any  cost,  some- 
where. They  are,  therefore,  likely  to  have  been  taken 
to  far  greater  distances  than  the  remains  of  other 
kings  ;  and  it  is  only  when  fragments  are  found  in 
position,  or  state  the  locality  of  their  erection,  that  we 
can  infer  that  a  building  of  this  reign  existed  outside  of 
Tell  el  Amarna. 

At  Heliopolis  there  certainly  was  a  temple  built,  as  a 
piece  of  red  granite  found  there  gives  the  name  of 
Mert'aten,  and  mentions  the  "  building  of  Ra  in  An." 

At  Memphis  slabs  have  been  found  re-used  (N.  Aeg. 
1 17-134),  bearing  portions  of  the  Aten  rays  and  name  of 
Akhenaten  ;  and  many  other  pieces  about  Cairo,  by  the 
mosque  of  Hakem  and  the  Bab  en  Nasr,  may  have 
come  from  here  or  from  Heliopolis.  A  stele  at  Sakhara 
of  an  '  '  overseer  of  the  merchants  of  the  temple  of 
Aten "  named  Huy,  has  been  taken  to  prove  the 
existence  of  a  temple  at  Memphis  ;  but  the  official 
might  have  been  of  Heliopolis.  The  remains  at  Gurob, 
Eshmunen,  and  Qus,  may  have  come  from  Tell  el  Amarna. 

At  the  capital  of  the  new  faith  an  enormous  amount 
of  work  was  done.  The  palace — a  group  of  uncon- 
nected buildings — occupied  a  space  of  about  1500  x  500 
feet  or  more  (P.  A.  xxxvi.).  The  great  temple  of  the  Aten 
was  about  250  feet  square  ;  it  stood  in  an  enclosure 
nearly  half  a  mile  long,  within  which  were  scattered 
various  other  buildings.  Another  temple,  and  many 
large  buildings,  taxed  the  royal  resources ;  while  a 
town  of  private  mansions  and  houses  was  the  work 
of  the  bureaucracy.  The  palace  appears  to  have  been 
deserted  early  in  Ra*smenkh*ka's  reign,  and  the  town 


AKHENATEN 


[DYN.  xvin.  10. 


was  abandoned  in  the  next  reign  of  Tut 'ankh 'amen ; 
but  even  apparently  as  late  as  Horenvheb  a  cartouche 
was  cut  on  the  temple  (P.A.  xi.  5),  although  that  king 
destroyed  the  buildings  of  the  new  faith.  Of  the  great 


FIG.  136. — School  of  music  and  dancing. 

temple  most  interesting  views  are  given  in  the  tombs  ; 
the  most  intelligible  in  connection  with  the  plan  (P.A. 
xxxvii.)  is  that  in  L.D.  iii.  94;  in  side  view  it  is  less 
clear  (L.D.  96) ;  and  another  view  abbreviates  the  long 
enclosure  (L.D.  102),  but  shows 
the  position  of  the  numerous 
statues  of  the  king,  queen, 
and  Tyi,  the  fragments  of  which 
have  been  found  (P.A.  18),,. 
Around  the  town  many  rock 
tablets  were  engraved,  stating 
its  boundaries.  Of  these,  three 
are  known  on  the  west  bank, 
and  eleven  on  the  east  bank. 
They  are  fully  stated  in  P.A. 
5-6 ;  but  only  some  of  the  most 
striking  have  been  published, 
and  those  not  exhaustively  or 
correctly  (L.D.  iii.  91  a-f,  no 

Rec.  xv.  36). 

The  plaster  cast  taken  from  the  hea<J  of  Akhenaten 
after  his  death  (P.A.  front)  was  found  along  with  the 
granite  fragments  of  the  working  of  his  funeral  fufni- 


FIG.  1 37. —Part  of  ushabti 
of  Akhenaten. 

a,  b  ;  Pr.  M.  xii.-xiv. 


B.C.  1383-1365.]  MON  UMENTS  223 

ture,  and  the  broken  and  spoiled  granite  ushabtis 
(P.  A.  17). 

In  many  collections  are  examples  or  portions  of  the 
stone  steles  with  which  the  palace  was  profusely 
decorated.  These  steles  are  always  curved  and 
slightly  slanting  at  the  top,  and  bear  the  scene  of 
the  king,  queen,  and  daughter,  offering,  without  any 
inscription  beyond  the  names  and  titles.  They  are 
cut  in  all  materials,  limestone,  alabaster,  quartzite, 
black  granite,  red  granite,  etc.  ;  and  their  purpose  is 
unknown.  Such  slabs  are  now  in  the  Ghizeh  Museum  ; 
in  the  room  built  over  the  pavement  at  Tell  el  Amarna ; 
in  the  Ashmolean  Museum  ;  Berlin  Museum  ;  Cabinet 
des  Medailles,  Paris  ;  Lord  Amherst's  Collection  ;  and 
the  Edwards  Collection. 

Many  minor  pieces  of  sculpture,  artists*  trial  pieces, 
fragments  of  sculptures  and  of  vases,  etc.,  are  scattered 
in  the  various  collections.  A  large  quantity  of  jar 
sealings  are  to  be  found  in  the  storehouses  at  Tell  el 
Amarna  (see  Ashmolean  Mus.)  ;  they  bear  names  of 
Amenhotep  as  well  as  of  Akhenaten.  A  great  variety 
of  glazed  pottery  finger  rings,  as  well  as  the  moulds 
for  making  them,  were  also  found  in  the  town  and 
rubbish  heaps  of  the  capital  (P.A.). 

South  of  the  capital  there  are  some  rock  tablets  in 
the  Hammamat  valley ;  one  by  an  official  Amen'hotep 
(G.H.  i.  6),  and  another  by  an  Amen'mes  (G.H.  i.  8), 
both  probably  early  in  the  reign  :  a  tablet  with  a  scene 
has  been  altered  by  Sety  I.,  but  shows  the  remains  of 
the  Aten  rays  (G.H.  iii.  5). 

At  Thebes  there  certainly  was  building  going  on  in 
the  earlier  years  of  the  reign,  the  blocks  there  having 
the  youthful  figure  of  Amenhotep  IV.,  and  even  show- 
ing the  hawk-headed  human  figure  of  the  god  Harakhti 
(L.D.  iii.  no  c  ;  see  also  Pr.  M.  10-11).  This  building 
was  all  broken  up,  and  re-used  by  Tut  0ankh 'amen  and 
Horenrheb  for  other  constructions  at  Karnak  ;  and 
that  it  was  at  Thebes  is  proved  by  an  inscription  at 
Silsileh  recording  the  making  of  "  great  sandstone 
obelisks  of  Horakhti  in  Apfasut"  (L.D.  no  i). 


224 


AKHENATEN 


[DYN.  xvm.  10. 


Another  monument  of  importance  at  Silsileh  (E.  bank) 
is  a  large  rock  tablet  showing  the  king*  adoring  Amen 
Ra ;  it  is,  therefore,  one  of  the  earliest  objects  in  his 
reign  (S.B.A.  xi.  233). 

At  Soleb,  Akhenaten  appears  in  the  usual  Egyptian 
style,  adoring  his  father  Amenhotep  III.  ;  unhappily  the 
faces  are  destroyed  (L.D.  iii.  no  k).  This  concludes 
the  public  monuments  of  the  king ;  and  we  now  turn  to 
minor  remains. 


The  most  important  small  work  of  the  reign  is  the 
beautiful  and  perfect  statuette  of  the  seated  king  in  the 

Louvre  (well  figured  in 
L.D.  iii.  295,  44).  Beside 
the  head  (B.  Mus.),  and 
the  mass  of  fragments 
(Amherst  Coll.),  from  the 
temple  statues,  there  is 
also  a  shoulder  in  lime- 
stone (G.  Mus.;  W.G. 
402),  a  torso  with  car- 
touches in  red  quartzite 
(P.P.  Coll.),  and  other 
fragments  from  the  prolific 
ground  of  Tell  el  Amarna. 
The  best  portraits  are7"in 
youth,  the  Karnak  head 
(L.D.  iii.  294,  42)  and  the 
head  on  the  tomb  of  Ra'mes 
at  Thebes  ;  in  older  life,  the  head  in  a  group  (L.D.  iii. 
in),  and  the  head  of  the  statuette  (L.D.  iii.  294,  43); 
and,  at  the  end,  the  very  facsimile  of  the  man  in  his 
death  mask  (P. A.  front).  The  poorer  quality  of 
portraits  are  found  in  uncounted  instances  on  tombs 
and  fragments  carved  in  this  reign. 

A  special  class  of  objects  of  this  king  are  the  tablets 
bearing  cartouches  of  the  Aten  on  the  face,  and  those 
of  the  king  on  the  sides.  These  tablets  were  sometimes 
borne  by  kneeling  statues  of  the  king  in  adoration 


FIG.  138.— Head  of  statuette  in 
Louvre. 


B.C.  1383-1365.]  MONUMENTS  225 

(P.A.  18,  19)  ;  and  larger  ones  stood  separately  as  acts 
of  devotion  in  the  temple  (L.T.  1378  ;  Rec.  xiv.  55). 
The  tablets  are  sometimes  of  limestone,  all  in  one  with 
the  statue  ;  others  are  of  red  granite  and  of  blue  glaze. 
Of  minor  objects  of  this  reign  there  is  a  great  amount 
(P.A.  xiii.— xx.).  Rings  of  pottery  are  the  commonest ; 
and  rings  of  gold  or  of  copper  are  frequent,  as  much 
so  as  scarabs.  Some  points  indicate  that  the  scarabs 
belong  to  the  beginning  of  the  reign  ;  a  large  one  with 
the  king  supporting  the  Aten 
cartouches  gives  his  name 
as  Amenhotep,  showing  it 
to  be  before  his  6th  year ; 
other  scarabs  name  him  as 

1"  bei°Ve/  A°/  ^"'u  r  bel  FIG.  i39.~Scarabs  of  Amenhotep 
loved  of  Atmu,  "beloved  iv. 

of    Tahuti,"    "beloved     of 

Horakhti,"  "  lord  of  the  sweet  wind,"  etc.  The  rings, 
on  the  contrary,  are  severely  Atenistic.  For  the  letters 
found  at  Tell  el  Amarna,  see  the  chapter  on  the 
Decline  of  Egypt  in  Syria. 


PRIVATE  MONUMENTS. 

The  private  tombs  of  this  age  are  numerous,  and 
afford  nearly  all  the  information  that  we  possess  for 
the  periocl.  The  names  of  the  principal  persons  are  as 
follow,  with  the  numbers  of  their  tombs  at  Tell  el 
Amarna  as  officially  re-numbered  in  1891,  and  published 
in  the  plan  (P.A.  xxxv.)  The  descriptions  are  from 
my  own  notes. 

Aahmes,  tomb  3.  "True  royal  scribe,  fan-bearer 
on  right  of  the  king,  keeper  of  the  storehouses, 
keeper  of  the  palace."  Not  much  sculpture, 
some  unfinished  painting  ;  statue  at  end.  Figure 
of  Aahmes  and  prayer  to  the  Aten  (L.D.  iii.  98  a; 
B.H.  449). 

Aniy,  tomb  23.     Son  of  Pa'kha.     A  peculiar  tomb  in 
every  way:  the  inscriptions  are  of  black  inlaid  in 
11—15 


226  AKHENATEN  [DYN.  xvm.  10. 

white  plaster,  and  the  face  of  Aniy  is  curious. 
He  was  keeper  of  the  palace  to  Amenhotep  II., 
and  scribe  of  the  royal  table.  Two  princesses 
are  shown  (Rec.  xv.  43). 

Anui,  stele  from  Tell  el  Amarna.  G.  Mus.  (V.G, 
691). 

Apiy,  tomb  10.  Keeper  of  the  palace.  Figures  of 
royal  family,  three  princesses :  fine  work,  no 
exaggeration,  and  heads  perfect. 

Apuy,  tomb  at  Thebes.  Overseer  of  the  offerings  of 
Amen  in  Apt.  Scenes  of  Amenhotep  IV. ;  archi- 
tecture in  the  other  scenes  of  same  age.  (Name 
of  Ramessu  II.  painted  on  a  boat  probably 
later ;  like  name  of  Alexander  added  on  an 
amulet  in  XVII I th  dynasty,  tomb  of  Sen'nefer.) 
(M.A.F.  v.  604.) 

Auta,  court  artist  of  Tyi  (L.D.  100  a).  Father  Nauy 
and  brother  Kharu  were  scribes  of  sculptors  ; 
wife,  Nezenvmen'nefer,  sister  of  Huy  (?)  (Lb.  D. 
1168). 

Ay,  tomb  25.  Fan-bearer  at  right  of  king,  keeper  of 
the  mares,  true  royal  scribe,  divine  father,  after- 
wards king  Ay  ;  wife  Ty,  nurse  of  the  queen. 
Largest  tomb,  of  splendid  work,  but  quite  un- 
finished, no  tomb  chamber.  Five  princesses. 
Scenes  of  the  royal  family  and  the  popul^e 
(L.D.  iii.  103-106  a  ;  Rec.  xv.  45-9  ;  Br.  A.). 
Three  discs  of  ivory  with  the  above  titles  and 
"  sent  in  the  divine  feasts"  are  in  Turin  (Rec. 
iii.  127). 

Ay,  tomb  7.  Same  titles,  and  probably  earlier  tomb 
of  same  man  ;  scenes  of  tribute  :  royal  family, 
three  princesses  and  queen's"  sister  Nezenvmut 
(L.D.  iii.  107  d-ic>9  J  ^ec-  xv-  37)« 

Bek,  "  overseer  of  works  in  the  red  mountain  for  the 
pylons,  chief  of  the  artists  for  the  very  great 
monuments  of  the  king  in  the  temple  of  Aten  in 
Akhet'aten,  son  of  the  chief  of  the  artists  Men, 
born  of  Roy  in  An,"  adoring  the  king*  and  Aten 
on  a  rock  tablet,  Aswan  (M.L  i.  40). 


B.C.  1383-1365-]  PRIVATE  MONUMENTS  227 

Her'sekheper,  tomb  13 ;  or  Neferkheperirherse' 
kheper:  prince  of  Akhet'aten.  Interior  un- 
finished, inscription  on  door  (Rec.  xv.  38). 

Huy,  overseer  of  merchants,  stele  Sakkara,  wife 
Nezenrnefer  (M.D.  56,  2). 

Huya,  tomb  i.  Scribe  of  treasuries  of  Tyi,  overseer 
of  works  in  the  palace.  Scenes  of  visit  of  Tyi  in 
1 2th  year  ;  Akeiraten  borne  on  a  throne  ;  views 
of  temple ;  prisoners  of  Kharu  ;  two  princesses 
and  Bekt'aten  (L.D.  iii.  100-102). 

Kedet,  ushabti  with  suten  du  hotep  to  the  Aten  for 
his  sister  Ket.  Zurich  Mus.  (S.B.A.  vii.  200). 

Kha'envuas,  tomb,  Memphis  (Ms.  G.  427). 

Mahu,  tomb  9.  Chief  of  the  Mazau  (police).  Much 
fine  sculpture  ;  scenes  of  king  and  queen  in  a 
chariot  ;  of  runners  capturing  a  man  ;  sentry- 
houses  joined  by  a  rope.  One  princess.  Short 
hymn  to  Aten  (M.A.F.  i.  16). 

May,  scribe,  offering  to  Any  in  tomb  23  (Rec.  xv.  45). 

Meryneit,  keeper  of  temple,  tomb  Sakkara,  frag- 
ments. G.  Mus.  (M.M.  449).  Berlin  (B.C.  2070, 
p.  199);  and  see  worship  of  Neit  at  this  time 
(P-A.  33). 

Nanay,  statue,  Thebes  (B.G.I,  i.  p.  274). 

Nekt'pa'aten,  tomb  12.  Hereditary  prince,  seal- 
bearer,  vizier  (?) ;  tomb  only  begun  (Rec.  xv.  38). 

Pa'ari,  tomb  at  Thebes  ;  priest  of  Amen  ;  father, 
Shery ;  sons,  Ptah'mes,  User'hat,  Amen'hotep. 
A  hieratic  inscription  by  a  priest  Atefsenb  is  dated 
in  the  third  year  of  a  king  "  Ra'neferkheperu, 
son  of  the  sun  Aten 'iiefer  "neferu  .  .  ."  Probably 
this  is  an  early  variant  of  Akhenaten's  name, 
which  he  afterwards  transferred  to  his  queen  on 
his  marriage  (M.A.F.  v.  588). 

Pa-aten-envheb,  tomb  24.  Royal  scribe,  overseer  of 
works  in  Akhet'aten.  Chamber  only  begun 
(Rec.  xv.  45). 

Pa'nehesi,  tomb  6.  Scenes  of  royal  family  adoring: 
four  princesses ;  horses  and  chariots ;  palace 
front;  etc.  Sister,  Abneba  (L.D.  iii.  91  h-p). 


228  AKHENATEN  tow-  xvm> . 

Penthu,  tomb  5.  Scene  with  fine  gateway  ;  royal 
family  with  three  princesses  ;  long-  wide  passage 
to  chamber  (L.D.  iii.  91  q). 

Ptah'mery,  tomb  at  Gizeh.  Chief  of  goldsmiths  of 
temple  of  Aten  (Ms.  G.  304). 

Ra'mery,  tomb  2.  Scenes  of  king  in  garden  canopy, 
queen  straining  wine  into  his  cup,  six  prin- 
cesses ;  dancers  and  wrestlers ;  Lybians,  Amorites, 
and  Syrians  kneeling  to  the  king.  Mert'aten 
married  to  Ra'smenktrka,  whose  cartouches 
appear  as  the  king  in  whose  reign  the  tomb 
was  finished  (L.D.  98  b,  99  a,  b). 


FIG.  140. — Group  of  scribes.    Flor.  Mus. 

Ra'mery,  tomb  4.  High  priest  of  Aten.  Large  tomb, 
scenes  with  views  of  temple  with  altars  of  burnt- 
offering  ;  palace  and  gardens  ;  royal  family  with 
four  princesses  ;  guard  carrying  lantern  ;  blind 
harper  with  blind  singers  (see  W.M.C.  Fig.  218) 
(L.D.  92-97  d;  Pr.  A,;  C.N.  ii.  319):  name  on 
shard  (P.A.  33). 

Ra'mes,  tomb,  Thebes,  with  portraits  of  the  young 
Amenhotep  IV.  and  older  Akhenaten. 

Ra'mes,  tomb  n.  Royal  scribe,  general,  keeper  of 
palace  to  Amenhotep  III.  Scenes  of  king, 
queen,  and  one  princess  (M.A.F.  i.  9).  Ushabti 


p.c.  1383-13*5.!  PRIVATE  MONUMENTS  229 

and  carnelian  serpent  head  inscribed :  with  a 
dealer  at  Thebes,  1895. 

Rud'ua,  tomb  o  (before  tomb  i);  name  over  north 
corner  of  door. 

Suta,  tomb  19.  Keeper  of  the  treasury.  Long  pas- 
sage unfinished,  nothing  on  facade. 

Suti,  tomb  15.  Fan-bearer  behind  the  king;  hall  of 
columns  begun,  lintel  and  jambs  inscribed 
(Rec.  xv.  42). 

Tutu,  tomb  8.  Anvkhent  ;  grand  tomb,  hall  of  12 
columns,  long  texts  and  scenes,  but  badly 
wrecked  recently.  Scenes  of  king,  queen,  and 
three  princesses.  The  columns  are  decorated 
with  groups  of  ducks,  as  in  the  palace  (L.D. 
106  b-io7  c  ;  Rec.  xv.  37). 

.  .  .  amu,  tomb  18  ;  born  of  Pa'aten'ankh  ;  wide 
passage,  well  cut,  end  unfinished. 

tomb  14.  Fan-bearer  at  the  right  of  the 

king,  general,  keeper  of  the  temple  of  Ra  in 
Heliopolis,  high  priest  of  Aten,  keeper  of  the 
temple  of  Aten,  keeper  of  all  the  works  of  the 
king.  Scenes  of  the  king,  queen,  and  three 
princesses  ;  five  boats,  etc.,  all  painted  in  black 
outline.  The  owner  was  degraded,  and  his 
name  and  his  figure  everywhere  erased  and 
covered  with  plaster  (Rec.  xv.  42). 

For  names  of  inspectors  on  ostraka,  see  P.  A.  33. 

ROYAL  FAMILY. 

The  marriage  of  Tadukhipa,  daughter  of  Dushratta, 
we  have  already  noticed  ;  and  there  can  scarcely  be  a 
doubt  but  that  she  is  the  same  person  as  the  evidently 
foreign  queen  Nefertiti,  who  is  the  only  wife  ever 
represented  with  Akhenaten,  and  was  mother  of  all  his 
children  that  are  known.  Her  hereditary  claim  to  the 
throne,  and  probably  Egyptian  descent,  has  already 
been  noted.  She  was  married  early  in  the  4th  year 
of  his  reign,  shortly  before  his  father's  death  ;  at  first 
she  took  only  the  name  of  Nefertiti  (P. A.  xiii.  23),  while 


230 


AKHENATEN 


[DYN.  xvm.  io« 


her  husband  was  known  as  Amenhotep  (IV,).  Before 
adopting  the  name  Akhenaten,  he  seems  to  have  occa- 
sionally (in  'his  3rd  year) 
used  the  name  Aten*nefer* 
neferu,  or  "  the  beautiful 
excellency  of  Aten"  (M.A.F. 
v.  588),  which  name  he  trans- 
ferred later  to  the  queen, 
who  on  all  the  Aten  monu- 
ments is  known  as  Aten* 
neferneferu-nefertiti.  She 
appears  to  have  had  six 
daughters,  and  to  have  sur- 
vived Akhenaten,  as  she  is 
shown  actively  waiting  on 
him  in  his  last  days.  From 
her  age  it  is  likely  that  she 
lived  on  till  Horemheb,  or  even  Sety  I. 

The  best  portraits  of  the  queen  that  are  published 


FIG.  141. — Death  cast  of 
Akhenaten. 


FIG.  142.—  Nefertiti  making  an  offering. 

are  in  the  large  group  (L.D.  iii.  in),  see  Fig.  133,  and 
the  stele  fragment  (P.A.  xii.   i),  see  Fig.   142;   while 


B.C.  1383-13650  ROYAL  FAMILY  231 

for  detail  of  physiognomy  and  perfect  vitality,  nothing1 
can  exceed  the  fragment  of  a  statue  (Amherst  Coll.; 
P. A.  i.  15),  see  Fig*.  117.  Other  portions  of  five 
statues  of  hers  (or  possibly  some  of  Tyi,  L.D.  iii,  102) 
have  been  found  by  the  Aten  temple  at  Tell  el  Amarna 
(Amherst  Coll.  P.A.  18). 

A  building  specially  belonging"  to  the  queen,  in  the 
palace  at  Tell  el  Amarna,  was  probably  her  court  or 
harim.(P.k.  xxxvi).  The  columns  were  of  glazed  tile- 
work  (P.A.  9),  the  walls  painted  with  scenes  (P.A.  v.), 
and  the  floors  frescoed  over  with  paintings  of  pools, 
birds,  cattle,  wild  plants,  and  bouquets  (P.A.  ii.  iii.  iv.). 
In  the  courtyard  of  this  building  was  a  well,  covered 
with  a  canopy  on  beautifully  carved  columns,  and  round 
the  coping  of  the  wall  ran  a  band  of  inscription  with 
the  queen's  titles  (P.A.  x.).  Many  fragments  of 
sculpture  and  of  vases  bear  the  queen's  name  ;  and 
there  are  rings  of  hers,  one  of  gold  in  the  Louvre, 
others  of  pottery  ;  but  no  scarabs  are  known,  that  form 
having  been  early  renounced  by  the  king,  probably 
before  his  marriage. 

Mert-aten,  the  eldest  daughter,  is  shown  on  nearly 
all  her  father's  monuments,  standing  behind  her  parents. 
She  was  born  in  probably  the  4th  year  of  his  reign,  as 
the  second  daughter  was  born  in  the  6th  year  ;  and  she 
was  married  to  Ra'smenkh'ka,  probably  just  before 
Akhenaten's  death,  as  her  husband  was  co-regent  with 
Akhenaten  at  the  last,  and  his  and  her  names  are  found 
together  in  a  tomb  of  which  the  decoration  was  in 
progress  under  Akhenaten  (L.D.  iii.  99  a). 

As  Akhenaten  reigned  certainly  17,  and  probably 
18  years,  this  would  make  her  about  13  when  she  was 
married.  Her  husband  appears  to  have  reigned  for 
12  years,  so  that  she  was  only  25  at  his  death.  Rings 
with  her  name  are  known,  but  none  show  the  transition 
to  Amen  worship ;  from  this  and  the  total  absence  of 
scarabs  of  hers,  it  seems  that  she  passed  into  obscurity 
before  the  fall  of  Atenism. 

Makt'aten,  the  second  daughter,  died  very  shortly 
before  her  father ;  she  appears  in  a  group  of  six 


232 


AKHENATEN 


[DYN.  xvm.  10. 


daughters  (L.D.  iii.  99  b),  so  she  probably  died  between 
her  Qth  and  nth  year.  Her  tomb  was  a  side  chamber 
in  the  passage  of  her  father's  sepulchre  ;  and  the  royal 
family  are  there  shown  mourning  for  her. 

Ankh's*en*pa*aten,  born  about  the  8th  year  of  her 
father's  reign,  must  have  been  but  10  years  old  at  his 
death.  After  that,  therefore  in  her  sister's  reign,  she 
was  married  to  Tufanklraten.  After  his  accession  he 
revived  the  Amen  worship,  and  rings  of  his  bear  the 

double  reading  A  <    .    >  en'khepenrneb  ;  while  later  he 

was  solely  named  Tut'ankrramen.  Her  name  was 
changed  to  Ankh's*en*amen,  "  Her  life  is  from 
Amen."  She  was  probably  only  31  at  her  husband's 
death,  and  nothing  further  is  known  of  her.  A  few 
pottery  rings  with  her  name  are  found  at  Tell  el 
Amarna,  all  apparently  made  at  one  time,  perhaps  for 
presents  on  her  birthday. 

Of  the  other  daughters,  Nefernefenraten,  Nefer* 
neferirra,  and  Sotep'en'ra,  nothing  is  known  beyond 
their  figures  and  names  on  general  monuments  (L.D. 


FIG.  143.—- Three  princesses,  their  two  nurses,  and  Nezenrmut. 

iii.  99).  One  of  them  married  the  son  of  Burnaburyas 
(see  letter  16).  The  queen's  sister,  Nezenrmut,  who  is 
shown  in  one  tomb  (L.D.  iii.  109), 'may  be  the  same 
Nezenrmut  who  was  the  queen  of  Hor*enrheb.  If  she 


ac.  1383-1365.]  ROYAL  FAMILY  233 

were  about  10  at  the  queen's  marriage,  she  would  have 
been  about  24  at  Akhenaten's  death,  and  62  at  the 
death  of  Hor*enrheb.  The  difficulty  is  that  his  inscrip- 
tion implies  that  he  did  not  marry  her  till  his  accession, 
when  she  would  be  58.  The  marriage  to  a  royal  high 
priestess  of  Amen  was,  of  course,  purely  a  political 
necessity  to  legitimate  the  king's  position  ;  but  it  would 
be  strange  if  no  younger  priestess  of  the  royal  line 
could  be  then  found.  The  parentage  of  Bakt'aten  has 
been  discussed  at  the  end  of  the  last  reign. 


-Gffl 


XVIII.    II.  ANKH'KHEPERU' 

1365- 
RA'SMENKH'KA'SER'KHEPERU  1353 


Gurob  ring-  (P.K.  xxiii.  21). 

Tell  el  Amarna,  name  in  tomb  2  (L.D.  iii.  99  a  ;  Pr.  M. 

P-  3)- 

,,  piece  of  vase  and  knob          (P-A.  xiii.  37,  38). 

,,  rings  (P. A.  xv.  92-105). 

Queen — MERT'ATEN,  tomb  2  (above),  rings    (P. A.  xv.  106-7). 

Excepting  a  ring  found  at  Gurob,  this  king  is 
solely  known  from  his  remains  at  Tell  el  Amarna  ;  yet 
he  does  not  seem  to  have  lived  there  for  more  than  two 
or  three  years  after  the  death  of  Akhenaten,  for  in  the 
great  hall  of  pillars  in  the  palace  a  heap  of  wine  jars 
had  accumulated,  which  bear  dates  of  the  2nd  year. 
This  cannot  be  Akhenaten's  2nd  year  ;  nor  is  it  likely 
to  be  Tut'ankh'amen's  date,  as  there  is  but  one  men- 
tion of  Ra'smenkh'ka  in  all  the  tombs  here,  showing 
that  he  did  not  spend  much  of  his  twelve  years'  reign  in 
the  place.  It  seems,  therefore,  that  he  abandoned  the 
palace  in  his  3rd  year,  and  may  have  moved  from 
there  before  that.  This  will  account  for  the  rarity  of 
his  monuments,  as  any  at  Thebes  would  be  worked  up 
by  Horemheb, 


234 


ANKH-KHEPERU-RA 


[DYN.  xvin 


In  the  latest  tomb  at  Tell  el  Amarna  (No.  2),  where 
Akhenaten  has  all  six  daughters  figured,  the  decoration 
went  on  after  his  death,  with  the  names  of  Ra'smenktr 
ka  and  Mert'amen.  This  is  the  only  sculpture  giving 
the  names  of  this  king,  and  the  reading  of  the  personal 
name  has  been  uncertain  :  Lepsius  read  it  Ra*se*aa*ka' 
nekht'kheperu  (L.D.  iii.  99  a);  Prisse  as  Ra'se'hek'ka* 
serkheperu,  but  he  shows  that  it  was  injured  in  his 
time(Pr.M.  p.  3);  unhappily  it  has  all  been  destroyed 
in  the  horrible  mutilation  which  has  recently  befallen 
the  tombs  here.  The  rings  which  bear  this  name  are 
now  our  best  authority  for  it  (P. A.  xv.  103-105);  they 
show  that  Prisse  was  certainly  right  as  to  ser  ;  but  they 


FIG.  144.— Rings  of  Ankh' 
kheperirra. 


FIG.  145.— Rings  of  Anklrkheperirra. 

1 .  "  Beloved  of  Nefer -kheperu 'ra." 

2.  "  Beloved  of  Ua'n'ra. 

3.  Ankh'kheperu'ra  (alone). 


give  a  different  reading  to  the  aa  of  Lepsius,  or  the  hek 

of  Prisse,  for  they  indicate  menkh  as  the  sign.  *"~ 

During  his  residence  at  Tell  el  Amarna  this  king 
always  claimed  his  authority  from  his 
predecessor.  His  rings  that  belong  to 
his  residence  here,  being  found  in  the 
palace  rubbish,  all  read  "  beloved  of 
Nefer 'khepenrra, "  *  or  "beloved  of 
Ua*n*ra,"  the  names  of  Akhenaten. 
Other  rings  found  in  the  town  bear 
only  his  simple  names,  belonging  pro- 
bably to  the  later  part  of  his  reign.  A 
piece  of  an  alabaster  vase,  and  a  green 

and  violet  glazed  box  handle,  also  bear  his  name  (P. A. 

xiii.  37,  38). 


FIG.  146.— -Ring  of 
Merfaten. 


B.C.  I36S-X3S3'] 


SMENKH-KA-RA 


235 


His  queen  we  have  already  fully  noticed  under  her 
father's  reign. 


XVIII.    12.    RA'KHEPERU'NEB 


AMEN-TUT-ANKH-HAQ-AN-RES 


QHHiD 


1353- 
1344 

B.C. 


Memphis 


Serapeum,  burial  of  Apis  II.   (M.S.  iii.  2  ;  M.S. 

Ms.  125). 

,,  Pottery  rings  P.P.  Coll. 

Gurob  Alabaster  vase        P.P.  Coll.  (P.K.  xviii.). 

Wooden  cubit          P.P.  Coll.  (P.I.  xxiv.  12). 
,,  Rings  and  pendants  (P.K.  xxiii.;  P.I. 

xxiii.). 

Tell  el  Amarna        Rings  and  pendants  (P.  A.  xv.). 

Ekhmim  Tomb  (B.I.E.  ii.  ser.  6, 

87). 

Abydos  Stele  of  Khonsu         G.  Mus.  (M.A.  1109). 

Karnak  6  blocks  in  pylon  (A.Z.    xxii.     41  ; 

Pr.  M.  xi.  i). 

,,  Block  usurped  by  Horemheb  (L.D.  119  b). 

,,  Block  and  statue  (?)  (Temple 

ofMut). 
Thebes  Restored  temple  of  Tahut-'j 

Inscription    on    wood  HS.B.A.  x.  130). 

H.  P.  Coll.  J 

,,  TombofHui  (L.D.  115-8). 

Scribe's  palette  with  cartouche  (C.M.  191,  2). 

Knob  handles       Leyd.  M.;  G.  Coll.;  P.P.  Coll. 
Kohl  tubes  Leyd.  M.;  B.  Mus.  (Rev.  A.  1.111.715). 

Portrait  (L.D.  iii.  296). 

Queen — ANKH*S*EN*ATEN  or  AMEN. 

Alabaster  vase  P.P.  Coll.  (P.K.  xviii.). 

Wooden  cubit  P.P.  Coll.  (P.I.  xxiv.  12). 

Kohl  tube  (Rev.  A.  1.111.715). 

Scarabs  and  rings. 

Of  this  reign  we  know  scarcely  anything1,  except 
from  the  fine  tomb  of  Hui.  The  paintings  on  that 
show  that  the  princes  of  the  Rutennu  in  Syria,  and  of 


KHEPERU'NEB-RA 


IDYN.  xvin.  12. 


Kush  in  the  Sudan,  were  both  subject  to  Egypt,  and 
brought  offerings  and  tribute.  This  points  to  a 
continuity  of  Egyptian  power,  and  shows  that  what- 


FIG.  147. —Head  of  Tuf  ankh  'amen. 

ever  changes  had  gone  on  in  the  fall  of  Akhenaten's-* 
ideals,  the  vitality  of  Egypt   abroad  was  not  entirely 
destroyed. 

The  main  feature  of  this  reign  was  the  reversion  to  the 

worship  of  Amen. 
This  is  indicated 
by  the  double 
reading  of  a  ring 
as  Amen  or  Aten 
(P.  A.  xv.  118); 
and  also  by  the 

FIG.  148.— Rings  of  Tufankh-aracn.  king's   name,  Tuf 

1.  A  fen- Amen,  JKa'kheperu'neo.  ,*?  T 

2,  3.  Ra'kheperu'neb,  Setep'amen'ra.         ankn  '  amen.         In 

the     long     period 
assigned  to  Horos,  36  years  in  Manetho,  which  cannot 


U.C.  I353-I344-1 


TUT-ANKH-AMEN 


237 


be  applied  to  the  17  or  18  years  reign  of  Akhenaten, 
we  may  see  perhaps  the  duration  of  the  Aten  worship 
under  the  orthodox  name  of  Horos.     This  would  point 
to  the  occurrence  of  the  change  in 
this  reign. 

The  claim  of  Tufanklramen  to 
the  throne  was  through  his  wife, 
Ankhsenpaaten,  altered  to  Ankhsen- 
amen,  the  daughter  of  Nefertiti  and 
Akhenaten  ;  he  may  also  have  been 
descended  of  the  royal  family,  though 
the  fact  that  he 
calls  Amenhotep 
III.  his  father  (on 
the  Barkal  lions, 
B.  Mus.  ;  Rec.  xi. 
212)  cannot  be 
taken  as  proving 
a  natural  relation- 


ship. 


FIG.  149.  —  Ring  of 
Ankhsenamen. 


FIG.  150. —Pendant 
of  Tutankhamen. 
Serapeum. 

The  monuments  of  this  reign  are  not  wide  spread, 
for  they  only  appear  in  the  heart  of  Egypt,  from 
Memphis  to  Thebes.  At  the 
Serapeum  one  Apis  was  buried 
in  this  reign.  The  tomb  con- 
tained four  canopic  jars,  and 
some  glazed  pendants  with 
the  name  of  the  king,  "be- 
loved son  of  Hepu"  (M.S. 
in,  pi.  2,  p.  8 ;  M.S.  Ms. 

At  Gurob   some   objects  of 
this  reign  were  found  ;  pieces 
of  an   alabaster  vase,    and   a 
wooden    cubit,    inscribed    for 
the  king  and  queen   and  rings     F^^^S± 
and  pendants  also  (P.K.  xvni.        and  queen.    F.P.  Coll. 
xxiii.  ;  P.I.  xxiii.  xxiv.). 

At  Tell  el  Amarna  there  are  no  buildings  or  tombs  of 
this  reign,  but  the  town  was  not  yet  deserted,  as  rings 


238  KHEPERU-NEB'RA  IDYN.  xvm,  12.] 

of  his  are  found  scattered  about.  Private  remains  of  a 
tomb  at  Ekhmim,  and  a  stele  from  Abydos,  are  known 
(B.I.E.  ii.  ser.  6,  87  ;  M.A.  1109). 

At  Karnak  the  only  remains  of  buildings  are  in 
blocks  re-used  by  Horemheb  in  his  pylon  X.  (Pr.  M.  xi. 
i  ;  W.G.  404  ;  and  apparently  in  the  same  pylon,  A.Z. 
xxii.  41) ;  and  a  block  in  the  temple  of  Mut.  A  large 
grey  granite  statue  there  is  probably  of  this  king 
also.  On  the  western  bank  Tut'ankh'amen  restored 
a  temple  of  Tahutmes  IV. ,  as  we  learn  from  a  fragment 
of  the  furniture  (H.P.  Coll.,  S.B.A.  x.  130).  The  fine 
paintings  of  the  tomb  of  Hui  we  have  already  noticed  ; 
unhappily  they  have  been  largely  injured  since  the 
copying  by  Lepsius  (L.D.  115-8). 

A  few  small  objects  and  scarabs,  and  many  rings  and 
ring  moulds,  are  known.  The 
best  portrait  of  the  king  is  that 
copied  by  Lepsius  (L.D.  iii.  296, 
49).  See  Fig.  147. 

The    queen,    Anklrs'en'amen, 
was  very  important,  and  her  name 
FIG.  152 -Bronze  ring  of      js  almost  as  often  found  as  that 
£utankhamen.      Kl.        Qf   her   husband-      Such    promin. 

ence  points  to  her  descent  being 

more  important  than  that  of  her  husband,  owing  to  her 
being  the  daughter  of  Nefertiti  and  Akhenaten.  No 
children  are  known. 


XVIII.   13.    RA'KHEPER'KHEPERU'AR'MAAT 


1344- 

DIVINE  FATHER  AY,      /• T-^NJ    I332 

NETER-HEQ-UAS        (^JJf]||j|    B<C< 

Tomb  Valley  of  kings' tombs         (L.D.  ii3a-g). 


[B.C.  1344-1332.) 


DIVINE  FATHER  AY 


239 


Memphis 
Gurob 


Rings 
Rings 


F.P.  Coll. 
P.P.  Coll. 


(P.K.     xxiii.  ;     P.I. 

xxiii.). 

(L.D.  iii.  ii4a-d). 
(C.N.  ii.  45). 
(L.D.  iii.  ii4.e-h). 


Ekhmim  Shrine 

Karnak  Blocks  re-used 

Shatawi  (22°  if     Shrine  of  Pasar 

N.) 

Portrait  From  tomb  (R.S.  xv.  63). 

Stele  of  Mhvnekht,  4th  year      Berlin  Mus.      (L.D.  1141). 

,,  ,,  Louvre  Mus.     (P.R.  ii.oo; 

S.B.A.T.  viii.  306). 

,,     Tutu  B.  Mus,  130. 

Rings,  gold,  Leyd.  Mus.  ;  pottery,  various. 
Scarabs. 
Queen— TV. 

Head  at  Ekhmim  shrine  (L.D   iii.  ii4d). 

Figure  in  king's  tomb  (B.E.  226). 

The  descent  of  this  king  and  his  queen  is  unknown  ; 


FIG.  1 53. —Head  of  Queen  Ty. 

and   we  can   only  presume   that   one    or    other   were 
of   royal    blood,    from   their   being    allowed    to    take 


240 


RA-KHEPER-KHEPERU-AR'MAAT 


CDYN.  xvm.  13. 


possession  of  the  throne.  The  queen  is  called  the 
"  great  heiress,"  which  would  indicate  her  royal 
descent  (L.D,  1130).  Ay  was  not  a  king's  son,  but 
only  calls  himself  " divine  father,"  a  priestly  title. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  he  is  the  same  divine 
father  Ay,  whom  we  have  seen  to  have  the  grandest 
tomb  at  Tell  el  Amarna ;  for  that  tomb  being  un- 


FIG.  154.— Ay  and  Ty,  from  the  great  tomb,  Tell  el  Amarna. 

finished  (as  also  a  yet  earlier  one  of  the  same  man), 
there  is  no  evidence  against  his  having  made  a  fresh 
tomb  in  the  royal  valley  at  Thebes  when  he  there 
attained  to  power.  The  Ay  of  Tell  el  Amarna  had  a 
wife,  Ty,  and  the  same  name  appears,  for  the  queen  of 
Ay.  Ay  had  been  fan-bearer  at  the  king's  right  hand, 
keeper  of  the  mares,  true  royal  scribe,  and  divine 


B.C.  I344-I33M  DIVINE  FATHER  AY  241 

father;  and  Ty,  his  wife,  was  "  great  nurse,  nourisher 
of  the  goddess  queen,  adorner  of  the  king  "  (L.D.  105  f). 
The  likeness  of  this  nurse  to  queen  Ty  is  evident  in  the 
above  figures.  And  Ay  the  official  is  also  like  King  Ay. 

Ay  shows  a  complete  reversion  to  the  older  worship. 
His  first  tomb  (7  at  Tell  el  Amarna)  has  three 
princesses,  and  was  therefore  decorated  about  the  Qth 
year  of  Akhenaten  (about  1374  B.C.),  so  that  he  can 
hardly  have  been  born  later  than  1400  B.C.  His  second 
tomb  (25  at  Tell  el  Amarna)  has  five  princesses,  so  it 
belongs  to  about  the  i3th  year,  and  was  sumptuously 
worked  during  the  last  six  or  eight  years  of  Akhenaten. 
These  dates  would  place  the  working  of  his  third 
tomb  (Thebes)  to  as  late  or  later  than  the  56th  to  68th 
year  of  his  age.  There  was  thus  plenty  of  time  for  him 
to  forget  the  new  faith,  for  which  he  had  taken  so 
strong  a  part  in  his  early  days.  And  in  place  of  the 
suppression  of  the  ka  formula,  as  under  Akhenaten 
(M.D.  56,  2),  the  figure  of  the  king's  ka  is  put  forward 
in  his  tomb  (L.D.  113  a).  For  a  portrait  from  the 
tomb  see  R.S.  xv.  63. 

The  principal  monument  of  this  reign  is  a  shrine  cut 
high  up  on  the  face  of  the  cliffs  behind  Ekhmim.  A 
grand  rock-cut  fa£ade  with  figures  and  inscriptions, 
some  twenty  feet  high,  rises  above  a  rock  cell  or  chapel 
(L.D.  iii.  ii4a-d).  The  tomb  of  the  king  in  the 
western  valley  at  Thebes  (L.D.  ii3a-c)  contains  a  red 
granite  sarcophagus,  with  figures  of  Isis,  Nebhat,  Selk, 
and  Neit  at  the  corners,  embracing  the  block  with 
their  wings  (L.D.  113  d,  g  ;  Pr.  A.).  A  re-used  block  at 
Karnak,  on  the  south  side  of  the  pylon  II.,  shows 
that  Ramessu  II.  destroyed  some  building  of  Ay 
(C.N.  ii.  45). 

At  Shatawi,  a  few  miles  south  of  Abusimbel,  on  the 
east  side,  is  a  rock-cut  shrine  made  by  Pa'sar,  the 
prince  of  Kush.  He  there  adores  Anpu,  Sebek, 
Usertesen  III.,  and  Anuke ;  while  the  king  offers 
to  Amen,  Ra,  Ptah,  Mentu,  Hor,  and  Sati  (L.D.  iii. 
114'e-h). 

Of  private  remains  there  are  two  steles  of  Min'nekht, 
n — 1 6 


242 


RA-KHEPER-KHEPERU-AR'MAAT        [OYN.  xvm.  13.] 


who  was  overseer  of  works  in  the  temple  of  Ay,  prince, 
first  prophet  of  Min  and  Isis  in  Apu  (Ekhmim),  overseer 
of  storehouses  of  all  the  gods  in  Takahti,  and  of  Min 
in  Khenti.  These  steles  probably  come  from  Ekhmim. 
One  stele  is  in  Berlin,  dated  in  4th  year  (L.D.  iii.  114!  ; 
S.B.A.T.  viii.  312);  the  other  in  the  Louvre  (P.R.  ii. 
90;  S.B.A.T.  viii.  306).  A  stele 
of  this  reign,  for  Thuthu,  royal 
scribe,  keeper  of  the  palace,  is  .in 
the  British  Museum  (Lb.  D.  615). 

Of  small  objects  the  finest  is  a 
gold  ring  at  Leyden  (P.Sc.  1355). 
Pottery  rings  are  found  at  Mem- 
phis ;   but  such  are  not  common, 
and  the  scarabs  are  even  scarcer. 

Queen  Ty  is  only  shown  in  the  tomb  (defaced),  and 
on  the  Ekhmim  stele  (L.D.  iii.  ii4d).  Her  earlier 
figure  (before  accession)  is  at  Tell  el  Amarna  (L.D.  iii. 
105  f).  No  children  are  known. 


FIG, 


'•  I55- — Scarab  of  Ay. 
F.P.  Coll. 


XVIII.  i4. 
RA-SER-KHEPERU 
(SOTEP'EN'RA) 

HOR'EM'HEB 
(MER-EN-AMEN) 


L! 

a 


3 


1332- 
1328 

B.C. 


AA/WSA       /WWVA 


Royal  tomb  unknown. 


Memphis  Tomb  before  accession 


,,  r  Apis  burials,  Serapeum 

,,  Piece  of  stele 

,,  Capital  in  Cairo 

„  Rings 

Gurob  Ring-s 


74,   75; 

ii.    92  ;    A.Z.    xv. 

149;        R.E.      ii. 

104-6). 
(M.S.     iii.    4,     1-6; 

M.S.  Ms.  66). 
(F.P.  Coll.). 
(W.G.  409). 
(F.P.  Coll.). 
(P.K.     xxiii.  ;      P.I. 

xxiii.). 


[B.C.  1332-1328.] 


HOR-EM-HEB 


243 


Tell  el  Amarna 

Abydos 

Karnak 


Luxor 

Deir  el  Bahri 

Medinet  Habu 
Silsileh 

» 

Kom  Ombo 
Kuban 
Gebel  Addeh 


Fragment  in  Aten  temple 
Frog"  with  queen's  name 
Pylon  X. 
Pylon  XI. 

Connecting-  walls  of  pylons 
Avenue  of  128  sphinxes 

Wall  between  pylon  V.  and 

sanctuary 
Stele 
Inscription     in     temple     of 

~  ah 


(P.A.  xi.  5). 
(M.A.  ii.  40  m). 
(C.N.  ii.  180). 
(L.D.      iii.       119   e; 

R.A.  64). 

(C.N.  ii.  180;  M.D. 

88;  B.E.  1 65-6). 

(C.N.  ii.  174;  M.K. 

plan). 
(C.N.  ii.  139). 

(A.Z.  xxvi.  70). 
(M.K.  47  d). 


Ptal 
Block  in   pylon  of  Khonsu  (C.N.  ii.  217,  221). 

temple 

Usurped  colonnade 
Restoration  inscription 


L.D. 


Rock  temple,  scenes  of  gods 

,,  ,,        Sudan  war 

Block  re-used  by  Ptolemies 
Lion-headed  statue 
Rock  shrine 


Steles  (3)  as  general 

Stele 

Fragment  (from  tomb  ?) 


P.  Mus. 
L.  Mus. 
Zizinia  Coll. 
Vienna 


(B.E.  129). 
(C.N.  i.    574; 

iii.  H9c). 
(L.D.  iii.  202  d). 
(L.D.  iii.  H9f,  g,  h). 
(L.D.  iii.  120-1). 
(P.O.N.  479). 
(My.  E.  538). 
(L.D.   i22a-f;    plan 

in  C.M.  ii.  5). 

(P.R.  ii.  57). 
(A.Z.  xxiii.  80). 
(S.B.A.  xi.  424). 
(S.B.A.  xi.  425). 


Statues,  colossal,  M.  Habu  Berl.  M. 

,,  ,,         seated,      Luqsor  Hotel 

,,        with  queen  T.  Mus. 


,,        with  Amen  T.  Mus. 

,,  with  Horus  (Castel  Cattajo) 
Bust  from  kneeling  statue  F.  Mus. 
Hathor  cow  suckling  king  F.  Mus. 
Portraits,  best,  from  statue 

,,  ,,     from  pylon 


Ostrakon,  2ist  year 


B.  Mus. 


Papyrus,  6  lines  broken         G.  Mus. 
Wooden  vase 


(L.D.  iii.  112  c). 

(W.G.  411). 

(L.T.      1379;      R.S. 

xliv.5,A.;T.S.B.A. 

iii.  486). 
(C.F.E.  pi.  85). 
(W.G.  411). 
(S.  Cat.  F.  1507). 
(S.  Gat.  F.  1225). 
(L.D.  iii.  ii2c). 
(L.D.      iii.      112  a  ; 

R.A.  64). 
(B.I.H.D.  14;  B.H. 


(W.G.  412). 


244 


RA'SER-KHEPERU 


IDYN.  xvin.  14. 


Bronze  plaque  P.  Mus.  (P.L.  p.  108). 

Rings,  amulets,  and  scarabs  (W.M.C.      ii. 

etc.  etc.). 
Queen—  NEZEM'MUT. 

Statue  with  king  T.  Mus.  (L.T.     1379*'. 

xliv.  5,  A'  \ 
Rings  (P.P.  Coll.)  ;  scarab  (Berl.  M.).  /At'' 


g 


The  first  question  that  arises  in  this  r 
the  king  is  the  same  person  as  the  generafj  Horemheb 
the  portions  of  whose  tomb  from  Sakka£a  are  SQ  wejj 
known.  This  tomb  belonged  to  an  ,  Jofficial  whose 
dignities  closely  correspond  ^  to  thcjse  which  ki 
Horemheb  states  that  he  exercised  before  his  accession* 
Not  only  is  there  a  wide  claim  try  having.  been  only 
second  to  the  king  m  all  respect^  b  both  the  ^ 

and  the  hereafter  king,  but  'the  predse  po^sitions 
occupied  by  each  are-.gractica1|y  exclusive  of  any  other 
such  official.  We  read~*m  the  statue  at  Turin  about 
the  king,  and  on  other  monuments  about  the  general  as 
follows  :  — 


KING. 

King   Horemheb  before  acces- 
sion had  been 

(6)  Appointed  to  fix  laws  ; 


(6)  Alone  without  a  second  ; 


(7)  He  satisfied  the  king  about 
quarrels  in  the  palace  ; 


(9)  Governed   Egypt  for  many 
years ; 

(n)  As  chief  and  heir  of  the 
whole  land. 


GENERAL. 


the  general  Horemheb  was 


chosen  to  regulate  both  lands, 
hearer  of  trials  alone  (M.D. 

74); 

sole  companion,  chief  above  the 
chiefs,  great  above  the  great 
(M.D.  74); 

keeper'of  the  palace  (M.D.  74) ; 
judge  in  the  palace,  chief  of 
secrets  of  the  palace,  fan- 
bearer  of  the  king  (R.E.  ii. 
104-6) ; 

prince  in  the  land  to  its  limits 
(8.1.11.92); 

chief  general,  great  chief  of  the 
people,  heir  (M.D.  74). 


B.C.  I332-I328.] 


HOR-EM-HEB 


When  we  further  see  that  the  "  many  years  "  of  king 
Horemheb  must  extend  through  the  reign  of  Ay,  and 
perhaps  back  into  that  of 
Tufankh'amen  ;  while  the 
general's  monuments  begin 
at  the  end  of  the  Aten 
period,  which  was  under 
Tutankhamen,  and  go  on 
into  the  full  polytheism 
which  succeeded  that,  it  is 
evident  that  these  two  great 
viceroys  were  contempor- 
ary. Is  it  possible,  then,  to 
suppose  that  two  different 
persons  of  the  same  name 
wielded  the  same  unique 
powers  over  the  whole 
country,  at  the  same  period? 
I  think  not.  Horemheb  the 


FIG.  156.— Head  of  Horemheb. 


general  must,  in  face  of  such  statements,  be  the  same 
as  Horemheb  the  hereafter  king,  and  as  such  we  treat 
him  here. 

A  discrepancy  exists  between  Manetho  and  the 
monuments  in  the  chronology  of  the  reign.  We  have 
seen  how  in  previous  reigns  the  years,  and  even  the 
months,  stated  by  Manetho  fit  together  with  the 
monumental  record,  showing  scarcely  any  signs  of 
error ;  and  we  should  therefore  try  all  hypotheses 
before  resorting  to  the  rejection  of  the  historian's  state- 
ments. In  Manetho,  summarised  by  Africanus,  we  find 
5  years,  in  the  more  detailed  copy  by  Josephus,  4  years 
i  month,  a  slight  difference,  due,  perhaps,  to  the 
treatment  of  odd  months  in  other  reigns.  But,  beside 
monumental  dates  of  the  ist  and  3rd  years  on  important 
work,  we  find  on  one  ostrakon  the  7th  and  2ist  years 
are  named.  In  judging  between  the  Short  reign  of 
5  years  and  the. long  one  of  21  years  there  are  a  few 
external  points.  It  is  true  that  two  Apis  burials 
probably  belong  to  this  reign  ;  but  one  of  these  was 
added  by  cutting  a  side  chamber  in  the  tomb  of 


246  RA-SER'KHEPERU  tw».  mn.  14. 

the  other,  and  finishing  it  before  the  plastering  and 
decoration  of  the  outer  tomb.  The  junction  of  the 
tombs  points  to  one  burial  closely  following  on  the 
other  ;  and  the  decorating  of  the  first  tomb  appears  not 
to  have  been  done  till  the  second  was  used.  The  name 
of  Horemheb  is  only  found  in  the  ruins  of  the  chapel 
over  the  first  tomb.  Certainly  the  conditions  do  not 
impose  a  long  reign  on  the  history  :  for  the  second  Apis 
seems  to  have  been  buried  in  an  emergency,  soon  after 
the  first,  yet  not  necessarily  in  the  same  reign. 
Looking  to  the  future,  the  reign  of  Ramessu  II.  is  tied 
by  the  Sirius  festival  of  Merenptah  ;  but  we  might 
shorten  the  reign  of  Sety  to  make  room  for  21  years 
for  Horemheb  ;  yet  if  we  did  so,  the  relation  of  the  era 
of  Menophres  to  Men*peh*ra  would  be  certainly  thrown 
out. 

There  is  one  solution  of  the  discrepancy  which  seems 
quite  possible.  If  Horemheb  dated  his  monuments 
from  his  accession  for  the  first  few  years  ;  and  then,  on 
his  finally  destroying  the  Aten  worship,  if  he  dated  back 
his  reign  from  the  time  of  Amen  being  re-established 
under  Tut *ankh 'amen,  we  should  have  a  solution. 
That  Horemheb  had  helped  to  re-establish  Amen 
appears  very  likely  ;  but  that  he  did  not  abolish  the 
Aten  until  some  way  on  in  his  reign,  is  shown  by  his 
name  being  carved  in  the  Aten  temple  when  not  yst 
destroyed  at  Tell  el  Amarna.  We  conclude,  then,  that 
the  i st  and  3rd  years  are  dated  from  the  accession  to 
sole  power,  but  that,  on  final  abolition  of  the  Aten 
worship,  Horemheb  glorified  himself  by  dating  back 
throughout  his  viceregal  period  to  the  time  when  he 
had  come  into  favour  as  the  restorer  of  Amen.  The 
ostrakon  dated  in  the  2ist  year,  and  referring  to  the 
7th  year,  would  then  be  of  the  5th  year  of  his  sole  reign, 
and  refer  back  to  the  3rd  year  of  Ay,  reckoned  as  the 
7th  of  HoremKeb.  This  is  the  best  result  yet  attain- 
able. 

The  earliest  monument  of  Horemheb  is  a  stele  at 
Leyden  (A.Z.  xxiii,  80),  where  he  is  figured  in  the  style 


B.C.  1334-1328.]  HOR'EM-HEB  247 

of  Akhenaten,  adoring  the  god  Horakhti.  He  was 
already  " great  general."  This  may  well  be  towards 
the  middle  of  the  reign  of  Tut'anklramen,  say  13506.0.; 
and  if  the  "  great  general "  was  then  40,  he  would  have 
been  born  about  1390.  Next  come  three  steles  in 
Paris,  where  he  adores  the  gods  of  Abydos,  Up'uat, 
Anpu,  and  Hathor  ;  he  is  called  royal  scribe  and 
general  (P.R.  ii.  57).  Next  he  began  the  decoration  of 
his  tomb  at  Memphis,  and  a  stele  (B.M.  551)  bears  a 
hymn  to  Turn  Horakhti,  born  of  Hathor,  son  of  Ptah, 
and  names  Tahuti,  Maat,  Osiris,  and  Horus  (A.Z.  xv. 
149). 

The  door  jambs  show  him  bearing  the  royal  uraeus 
(a  sign  of  the  supreme  judge),  and  name  him  as  "  Heir, 
chancellor,  sole  companion,  chief  over  the  chiefs,  great 
over  the  great  ones,  hearer  of  trials  alone,  keeper  of 
the  palace,  great  general,  overseer  of  the  prophets 
of  Horus,  follower  of  the  king,  royal  scribe,  great 
prince  of  the  rekhitu,  sent  by  the  king  at  the  head  of 
his  soldiers  against  the  lands  of  the  south  and  north, 
he  whom  the  king  has  chosen  to  regulate  both  lands, 
general  of  the  generals  of  the  king,  he  who  makes  joy 
in  the  whole  land,  chief  of  the  secrets  of  the  palace, 
acting  alone,  treasurer  of  the  royal  guard,  companion 
of  his  master  on  the  field  of  battle  that  day  he  over- 
threw the  Sati  "  (M.D.  74-5). 

Somewhat  later  may  be  the  other  parts  of  the  tomb, 
in  which  he  is  further  entitled  "  Judge  of  the  palace, 
and  fan-bearer  at  the  king's  right  hand"  (R.E.  ii. 
104-6).  While  later  still  the  door  jambs  (B.  Mus.)  add 
that  he  was  "  prince  in  the  entire  land,  scribe  of  the 
recruits,  overseer  of  works  in  the  mountains  of  quarry- 
ing abundantly  for  the  king  in  both  lands  "  (S.I.  ii.  92). 
Thus  all  military,  judicial,  courtly,  religious,  and 
business  power  had  gradually  come  intQ  the  hands  of 
this  great  noble  during  the  feeble  reign  of  Ay.  The 
general  cannot  have  been  very  strong  at  the  beginning 
of  Ay's  reign,  or  the  "  divine  father"  would  never  have 
reached  the  throne.  It  seems  as  if  there  had  been  a 
great  outburst  of  Amen  worship  at  the  close  of  Tut* 


248  RA-SER'KHEPERU  [DYN.  xvm.  x4. 

ankh'amen's  reign,  and  a  religious  representative  stood 
firmest  in  the  kingdom ;  while  real  power  steadily 
accumulated  in  the  strong  hands  of  the  general  who 
became  viceroy. 

A  most  valuable  picture  of  his  rise  is  given  in  his 
autobiography  after  his  accession.  On  the  granite 
group  of  him  and  Nezenrmut  at  Turin  we  read  that 
"Amen  king  of  the  gods  dandled  him,  and  Horus  was 
his  protection  like  amulets  on  his  body  ;  when  he  came 
forth  from  the  womb  he  was  enveloped  in  reverence, 
the  aspect  of  a  god  was  upon  him  ;  the  arm  was  bowed 
to  him  as  a  child,  and  great  and  small  did  obeisance 
before  him.  When  he  was  a  youth  and  unlearned,  the 
form  of  a  god  was  in  his  aspect,  in  beholding  his  figure 
one  was  strengthened.  His  father  Horus  stood  behind 
him,  forming  and  protecting  him  .  .  .  knowing  the 
day  of  his  peace  to  give  to  him  his  kingdom. 
Behold  this  god  advanced  his  son  in  the  face  of  all 
people,  he  made  wide  his  way  until  the  day  came  when 
he  should  receive  his  office,  until  in  his  time  the  heart 
of  the  king  was  satisfied  with  his  matters,  rejoicing  in 
his  choice.  He  placed  him  at  the  head  of  the  land  to 
secure  the  laws  of  the  two  lands,  as  Heir  of  the  whole 
land.  He  was  alone  without  a  rival,  and  the  ways  of  the 
people  were  according  to  his  command.  He  was  called 
before  the  king,  for  if  there  were  a  quarrel  in  the  pal-ace 
he  opened  his  mouth  and  answered  and  satisfied  the 
king  with  his  speech.  All  his  ways  were  regulated 
even  as  the  pace  of  an  ibis,  his  wisdom  was  that  of  the 
lord  (Tahuti)  of  Hesart  (Eshmunen),  rejoicing  in  truth 
like  Khenty,  pleased  of  heart  therewith  like  Ptah. 

"  Behold  he  was  governing  both  lands  for  many  years, 
the  controllers  reported  to  him  in  obeisance  at  the  gates 
of  the  palace,  the  chiefs  of  the  foreigners  (nine  bows) 
both  south  and  north  came-  before  him  with  their  arms 
stretched  out,  they  adored  his  face  like  a  god.  What  was 
done,  was  done  by  his  command  ;  his  reverence  was 
great  before  the  people,  and  they  prayed  for  him  wealth 
and  health  (part  of  the  royal  ascription).  He  was  truly 
the  father  of  both  lands,  with  the  perfect  wisdom  of  the 


HOR-EM-HEB 


249 


divine  gift  to  secure  the  laws.  Years  passed  over  these 
things  while  the  heir  of  Horus  was  as  chief  and  heir  of 
the  entire  land. 

"Behold  this  noble  god  Horus,  lord  of  Hat-suten, 
desired  In  his  heart  to  establish  his  son  upon  his  throne 
of  eternity.  Horus  proceeded  in  rejoicing  to  Thebes, 
the  city  of  the  eternal  lord,  with  his  son  in  his  embrace, 
even  to  Karnak,  until  he  came  into  the  presence  of 


FIG.  157.— -Negroes  and  Asiatics  adoring  the  king. 

Amen  in  order  to  give  to  him  his  office  as  king,  to  make 
his  length  of  days.  Behold  Amen  appeared  in  his  noble 
feast  in  southern  Thebes  ;  and  when  he  saw  the  majesty 
of  this  god,  even  Horus  of  Hat-suten  an/1  his  son  with 
him,  in  the  royal  entry,  to  give  him  his  office  and  his 
throne,  then  behold  Amen'ra  met  him  in  rejoicing.  In 
the  day  of  giving  his  satisfaction  then  he  conveyed  him- 
self to  this  chief  heir  and  prince  of  both  lands  Horem- 
heb ;  he  went  to  the  house  of  the  king,  going  before 


250  RA-SER-KHEPERU  CDYN.  xvin.  14- 

him  to  the  palace  of  his  great  and  noble  daughter. 
She  made  obeisance,  she  embraced  his  beauties,  she 
placed  herself  before  him,  and  all  the  gods  rejoiced  at 
his  appearing." 

From  this  account  it  would  seem  that  Horemheb  was 
not  married  to  Nezenrmut  until  his  accession,  when  he 
legalised  his  position  by  becoming  husband  of  the  high 
priestess  of  Amen,  as  in  the  arrange- 
ment  under  the  later  dynasties  (M.  A.  F. 
i«   74^-764).     This   marriage  was  an 
il     i  i  affair  of  politics   solely,    considering 

w     11  the  age   of  the   parties ;    Horemheb 

i  I  An»  was  probably  between  fifty  and  sixty 

\\i  +Jr  at  the  time,  and  if  the  queen  Nezenv 

mut  was  the  same  as  Nefertiti's  sister 
FIG.  158.— Ring  of    Nezenrmut,   she  must  have   been  of 
Nezenrmut.    t.P.        «       ,     ,1  TT  ti_ 

Coll.  about  the   same   age   as    Horemheb. 

No  children  are  known  of  this  marriage 
to  contradict  such  a  supposition. 

Much  confusion  has  arisen  in  modern  works  from  a 
false  identification  of  Horemheb  with  Horus  of  Man- 
etho ;  even  to  the  present  time  Horemheb  is  often 
called  Horus,  whereas  it  is  clear  from  the  lists  that 
Horus  is  Akhenaten,  or  the  duration  of  Atenism,  while 
Horemheb  is  named  as  Armais.  The  confused  account 
of  classical  authors  about  Sesostris  leaving  Armais  -HI 
charge  of  the  kingdom  cannot  refer  to  the  king  Horem- 
heb, but  probably  to  some  other  prince  of  this  name. 
It  is  possible  that  the  eldest  son  of  Sety  I.  was  called 
Horemheb  (S.B.A.  xii.  258;  L.D.  iii.  128  a);  but  the 
general  Horemheb  of  the  Memphite  tomb  cannot  be  as 
late  as  Sety  by  the  style  of  his  work* 

Of  the  reign  of  Horemheb  we  know  very  little.  By 
an  inscription  of  the  first  year,  Khoiak  22,  we  learn  of 
his  attention  to  the  worship  of  Ptah  (M.  K.  47  d,  in 
temple  M.K.  plan  G).  And  in  his  third  year  the  tomb 
of  Neferhotep  is  dated  (D.H.  xl.  e).  But  there  is  no 
evidence  that  his  wars  in  the  south  and  conquest  in  the 
Sudan,  or  his  war  with  the  Ha'nebu  in  the  north,  was 
during  his  brief  reign.  Such  activities  would  be  more 


B.C.  1332-1328.1  HOR-EM  -HEB  251 

in  place  during  his  earlier  life,  and  he  may  well  have 
executed  these  monuments  to  record  the  triumphs  of 
his  generalship.  The  only  later 
dates  are  on  an  ostrakon,  on  which 
a  man  petitions  about  the  tomb  of 
Hai  his  father,  saying  that  it  was 
granted  in  the  yth  year  of  Hor- 
emheb, and  now  in  the  2ist  year — 
no  king  named— he  received  title-  FIG.  159.— Scarab  of 
deeds  of  it.  There  is  no  proof  that  Horemheb.  "Found- 
the  2ist  year  might  not  refer  to  Amen^  FepPColl°f 
Sety's  reign  ;  but,  as  we  have 
noticed,  it  is  quite  possible  that,  after  Horemheb 
abolished  Aten  worship,  he  dated  his  reign  from  his 
generalship.  That  the  Aten  worship,  though  dis- 
placed from  its  pre-eminence  under  Tut  *anklr  amen, 
was  not  abolished,  appears  from  Horemheb's  name 
being  carved  on  the  Aten  temple  at  Tell  el  Amarna 
(P. A.  xi.  5),  and  the  expression  "  Ra,  his  body  is  Aten" 
remaining  in  the  3rd  year  of  this  king  (M.A.F.  v.  499); 
but  soon  Horemheb  swept  away  all  trace  of  it,  carrying 
away  even  the  foundations  of  Akhenaten's  work,  and 
also  re-using  the  buildings  of  Tut  *ankh 'amen  and  of  Ay 
in  his  pylons  at  Thebes. 

The  great  work  of  his  reign  appears  to  have  been  to 
regulate  the  country.  Having  come  to  the  throne 
through  the  power  of  the  soldiery,  he  found  it  needful 
to  check  that  power  and  prevent  the  abuses  of  it  which 
were  only  too  certain  in  a  military  rule.  A  long  inscrip- 
tion at  Karnak  might  be  entitled  "The  Justice  of  the 
King,"  being  occupied  with  tales  of  his  decisions 
against  the  plundering  by  the  soldiers  ;  set  up  much  like 
a  list  of  convictions  by  a  railway  company.  We  can  only 
give  an  outline  of  the  lengthy  story  :  the  first  tale  is  of 
a  poor  man  who  made  a  boat  and  sail  to  follow  the 
king,  probably  a  sutler  of  the  court-camp  ;  he  was 
robbed  of  his  goods  because  he  could  not  pay  the 
duties.  The  king  decided  that  anyone  who  oppressed 
a  poor  man  *  *  who  pays  taxes  to  the  breweries  and 
kitchens  of  the  king  by  the  two  agents  of  the  soldiers," 


252  RA-SER-KHEPERU  [DYN.  xvm.  14. 

should  be  punished  by  cutting  off  his  nose  and  sending 
him  to  Zaru.  This  banishment  to  the  eastern  frontier 
is  like  the  later  mutilation  of  the  nose  and  exiling  to 
Rhinocolura,  mentioned  by  Pliny  and  Diodorus.  Also 
if  a  wood-seller  had  his  boat  plundered,  the  penalty 
should  be  the  same  on  the  thieves.  The  servants  of  the 
palace,  when  making  requisition  for  the  king,  shall  not 
take  more  for  themselves.  The  two  divisions  of  the 
soldiers,  south  and  north,  were  incessantly  plundering, 
and  even  took  the  skins  or  hides  which  were  already 
stamped  by  the  State  for  payment  in  kind.  The 
collectors  of  the  skins  had  this  complaint  made  to 
them.  Each  soldier  who  after  that  date  should  go 
about  plundering  the  skins,  shall  receive  100  blows  so 
that  five  wounds  are  opened,  and  have  the  skins  taken 
from  him.  These  abuses  had  been  inquired  into  under 
Tahutmes  III.,  who  went  up  and  down  the  river  ex- 
amining them.  But  fraud  had  come  even  into  the 
inspection,  "and  the  officers  put  in  charge  also  went  to 
the  officials,  saying,  Give  us  the  profit  of  the  fraudulent 
inspection."  So  now  Horemheb  himself  goes  on 
inspection  on  the  feast  of  Apt  (Rec.  vi.  49;  A.Z. 
xx vi.  70). 

This  account  shows  how  bitterly  the  country  was 
paying  the  price  of  its  foreign  conquests,  in  its  oppres- 
sion by  a  standing  army.  No  form  of  tyranny  in  the 
East  is  so  bad  as  that  of  an  undisciplined  army,  as 
soldiers  ravage  over  a  whole  country,  and  have  not 
even  the  discretion  which  a  local  oppressor  or  robber 
has,  to  avoid  destroying  his  future  supplies. 

Of  the  end  of  Horemheb  we  know  nothing  ;  but, 
considering  his  age,  he  may  well  have  died  a  natural 
death. 

At  Memphis  were  the  remains  of  his  private  tomb, 
and  the  buriafs  of  two  Apis  bulls  in  the  Serapeum 
already  noticed.  A  capital  in  the  Derb  el  Gamamiz  in 
Cairo  probably  came  from  here  (W.G.  409),  as  also  a 
piece  of  an  inscription  dated  in  year  5  +  x  (P.P.  Coll.), 
and  many  green  glazed  finger  rings. 


B.C,  1332-1328.]  MONUMENTS 


253 


At  Gurob  many  rings  of  his  were  found  (P.K.  xxiii.; 
P.I.  xxiii.)  :  there  were  none,  however,  at  Tell  el 
Amarna,  showing  that  the  town  was  deserted,  although 
the  Aten  temple  was  inscribed  under  this  reign.  From 
Abydos  comes  a  frog  with  the  queen's  name  (M.A. 
ii.  40  m). 

At  Karnak  two  great  pylons  belong  to  this  king,  as 
also  the  connecting  walls  at  the  sides  of  them.  The 
pylons  (X.  and  XI.  of  Baedeker)  were  built  out  of  the 
blocks  of  a  temple  of  Akhenaten  (B.E.  165)  and  Tut- 


FIG.  160.-— Headof  Horemheb. 

ankhamen  which  stood  here  (Rec.  vi.  53) ;  pylon  XL 
has  a  magnificent  doorway  of  red  granite,  sculptured 
with  four  scenes  on  each  side  of  the  door,  and  on  both 
faces  of  the  pylon,  but  the  S.E.  corner  is  now  destroyed 
(L.D.  119  e  ;  R.A.  64) ;  pylon  X.  has  Jiad  the  doorway 
renewed  by  Ramessu  II.  (M.K.  plan),  and  was  re- 
inscribed  by  that  king  (C.N.  ii.  180).  On  the  E.  wall 
joining  the  pylons  are  the  figures  of  the  chiefs  of  Punt 
(figures  M.D.  88,  inscription  B.  Rec.  57),  and  the 
captives  of  the  Ha-nebu  and  Khita  conquered  by 


HOR-EM-HEB 


[DYN.  xvm.  14. 


Horemheb  (S.B.A.  xi.  423).  On  the  W.  wall  of  the 
court  is  figured  the  sacred  bark  of  Amen  (B.E. 
165-6). 

Before  the  pylons  there  stretched  an  avenue  of  128 
sphinxes,  to  the  temple  of  Mut.  These  sphinxes  are 
described  as  being  the  finest  at  Thebes  ;  the  form  is  a 
lion's  body  with  a  ram's  head  (C.N.  ii.  174).  A  wall 
was  built  also  between  pylon  V.  and  the  granite 
sanctuary  (C.N.  ii.  139).  The  great  stele  of  the  king's 
justice  at  Karnak,  about  16  feet  high  and  10  feet  wide, 
we  have  already  described. 

At  Luqsor,  Horemheb  placed  his  name  on  the  grand 
columns  of  Amenhotep  III.  in  the  colonnade  before  his 
temple  (B.E.  129).  At  Deir  el  Bahri  he  claimed  to 
have  restored  the  monuments  of  Tahutmes  III., 
"  father  of  his  fathers  "  ;  and  it  really  seems  not  unlikely 
that  the  recarving  and  painting  of  the  scenes  erased  by 
Tahutmes  III.  might  have  been  due  to  this  king ;  his 
fervour  for  Amen  would  account  for  such  care:  also 
Punt  had  come  forward  into  notice  again  in  this  reign, 
and  the  re-working  is  too  good 
for  anything  of  the  XlXth 
dynasty  (C.N.  i.  574).  At 
Medinet  Habu  he  also  claims 
restorations,  in  a  line  of  in- 
scription on  either  side  of  tire 
main  entrance  at  the  N.  end  of 
court  M  (L.D.  iii.  202  d). 

At  Silsileh  the  large  rock 
temple  cut  in  the  western  cliff  is 
specially  devoted  to  scenes  of  the 
negro  war.  -The  soft  sandstone 
is  not  adapted  for  fine  work,  and 
the  execution  is  but  poor  com- 
pared with  earlier  carving.  There 
is  some  good  natural  posing, 
however,  in  the  figures  and  ex- 
pressions of  th'e  negroes  (L.D.  iii. 
119-121).  At  Kom  Ombo  a  block  of  this  king  was 
re-used  by  the  Ptolemies  (P.O.N.  479).  And  at  Kuban 


FIG.  z6x.— Negroes,  Silsileh 
temple. 


B,C.  1332-1328.]  MONUMENTS  355 

in  Nubia  a  lion-headed  statue  of  this  reign  is  said  to 
have  been  seen  (My.  E.  538).  A  rock  shrine  at  Gebel 
Addeh  is  an  important  work,  but  appears  to  be  purely 
religious,  and  not  to  contain  any  reference  to  the 
Nubian  war.  This  makes  it  the  more  likely  that  the  war 
was  past  and  over  before  Horemheb  came  to  the  throne, 
and  that  it  was  only  brought  forward  as  the  great  event 
of  his  life  on  the  Silsileh  temple,  and  not  as  an  action 
of  the  time  of  the  sculpture. 

Of  statues  there  are  admirable  examples.  The  upper 
part  of  a  colossal  figure  from  Medinet  Habu  (Berlin  M.) 
is  very  fine  (L.D.  iii.  112  c) ;  as  also  the  group  in  white 
limestone  of  Amen  and  the  king  (T.  Mus.).  The  group 
with  the  queen  in  syenite  is  valuable  for  the  long  in- 
scription which  we  have  quoted  (T.  Mus.).  A  colossal 
figure  at  the  Luxor  Hotel,  and  a  group  with  Horus  at 
Battaglia  (in  Castel  Cattajo),  are  only  mentioned  by 
Wiedemann  (W.G.  411).  The  bust  in  red  basalt  (?)  at 
Florence  evidently  came  from  a  kneeling  statue  leaning 
forward  making  an  offering  ;  but  the  face  is  not  much 
like  Horemheb,  and  there  is  nothing  to  show  the  name 
(S.  Cat.  F.  1507).  The  hinder  half  of  a  Hathor  cow 
suckling  the  king,  in  red  granite,  is  of  rude  work  (Flor. 
Mus.;  S.  Cat.  F.  1225).  The  best  portrait  published  in 
the  round  is  from  the  Berlin  statue  (L.D.  iii.  112  c),  and 
on  the  flat  from  the  pylon  (L.D.  iii.  112 a,  and  another 
photographed  in  R.A.  64).  The  small  objects  of  this 
reign  do  not  need  any  particular  notice.  A  fine  gold 
ring  in  Leyden  bears  the  Hornub  and  vulture  and 
uraeus  names  of  the  king.  Scarabs,  plaques,  and 
rings  are  all  usual. 


PRIVATE  MONUMENTS.  • 

There  are  not  many  private  remains  of  this  time,  and 
this  accords  with  the  shortness  of  the  reign. 

Amen'em'apt,  overseer  of  the  palace  and  of  the  gran- 
aries of  south   and  north,  has   left  a  wooden 


256  HOR-EM-HEB  [DYM.  XVKI.  14.] 

cubit,  bearing  long  inscriptions  (Lepsius,  Elle. 
No.  i). 

Ifor'em'heb'pa'hor'ur,  priest  of  Amen,  is  on  a  stele  at 
Leyden  (Lb.  D.  619). 

Khonsu'hotep)  priest  of  the  nub'kau  of  the  palace. 
Coffins  and  mummy  at  Leyden  (Lb.  D.  616). 

Ncfer'hotep,  divine  father  of  Amen.  Tomb  at  Qurneh, 
N.E.  of  the  tomb  of  Sen'envaah.  Dated  in 
3rd  year  of  Horemheb  ;  Aten  not  yet  proscribed, 
the  formula  "  Ra  his  body  is  Aten  "  being  used. 
Published  in  M.A.  F.  v.  489,  also  in  D.H.  40—40  e, 
portions  in  B.R.  37,  and  song  of  the  harper  in 
A.Z,  xi.  58,  73;  M.E.E.  i.  130,  162;  R.P. 
vi.  129.  Patterns  of  the  coloured  ceiling  in 
Pr.  A. 

Penbui  offers  to  several  kings  down  to  Sety  I.,  includ- 
ing Horemheb  ;  T.  Mus.  (Rec.  ii.  178). 
y  royal  scribe,  overseer  of  the  palace  of  Horemheb 
and  of  the  temple  of  Amen.  Tomb,  Thebes, 
C.N.  544,  853.  Whole  scene,  W.M.C.  iii. 
pL  68;  portions,  C.M.  177-8;  R.C.  128-9; 
Pr.  A. 


The  queen  Nezenrmut  we  have  already  noticed. 
There  are  not  many  remains  of  her  of  any  kind.  ^The 
sister  of  Nefertiti  is  figured  in  the  tomb  of  Ay  (No.  7) 
at  Tell  el  Amarna  (L.D.  iii.  109),  and  is  probably  the 
same  as  the  future  queen.  A  statue  of  hers  with  the 
king  is  at  Turin,  but  not  published  in  drawing.  The 
figure  of  the  queen  as  a  female  sphinx,  on  the  side  of 
this  group,  is  given  by  Rosellini  (R.S.  xliv.,  quin.  A). 
One  scarab  is  known  (Berl.  Mus.),  and  one  ring  (P.P. 
Coll.);  and  a^frog  with  her  name  was  found  at  Abydos 
(G.  Mus.;  M.%.  ii.  40  m). 


We  may  here  notice  some  kings  who  have  been  attri- 
buted to  the  close  of  this  dynasty. 


UNPLACED  KINGS  357 

TETA  appears  as  Teta*mer*en*ptah,  adored  by  Amen' 
uah'su,  on  a  naos  at  Marseille.  The  figure  of  the 
king  is  placed  in  a  triangle,  which  is  suggestive  of  a 
pyramid  (as  men'nefer  is  written  with  the  same  triangle 
on  this  naos),  and  of  the  king  being  considered  to  be 
in  a  pyramid.  Rather  than  suppose  a  new  king  at  this 
period,  we  should  see  in  this  the  worship  of  a  pyramid 
king,  Teta  of  the  Vlth  dynasty  (A.Z.  xvi.  69).  The 
same  king  appears  to  be  indicated  on  a  stele  from  the 
Serapeum  (M.S.  iii.  6),  which  has  given  rise  to  discus- 
sion. The  cartouche  is  so  rudely  carved  that  it  was 
read  as  "Akhenaten"  at  first,  but  afterwards  as 
"  Se'ra'Teta."  If  this  be  the  correct  reading,  which 
is  not  certain,  it  need  only  imply  that  May,  who  set  up 
the  stele  (in  XVIII.-XIX.  dyn.),  was  devoted  to  Teta 
(of  VI.  dyn.),  and  figured  the  king  as  making  an 
offering  from  him  to  the  gods.  Such  figures  of  kings 
making  the  hotep'suten  for  private  persons  are  often 
seen  on  steles  (see  M.A.  ii.  41,  47,  48,  51,  52).  What 
points  to  this  is  that  Se'ra'Teta  is  all  in  one  cartouche, 
and  this  writing  of  the  title  along  with  the  name  does 
occur  on  the  Vlth  dynasty  monuments  of  Teta,  but  is 
rare  otherwise  ;  hence  it  seems  that  the  old  usage  was 
copied  from  an  early  sculpture  of  this  king.  The 
scarabs  that  have  been  attributed  to  Teta  are  certainly 
not  of  this  king. 

NEPER* AY  was  read  on  an  hieratic  ostrakon  in  the 
Louvre,  but  it  is  much  effaced  and  not  certain  in  the 
reading  (Dev.  Cat.  MSS.  p.  202).  Possibly  it  may  be 
some  variant  of  the  divine  father  Ay. 

Other  names  have  been  brought  forward,  but  none 
stand  on  certain  ground.  Ra'en'tuy  or  Khutany  may 
possibly  be  a  name,  or  some  connective  between  the 
names  of  Ramessu  I.  and  Sety  I.  on  either  side  of 
it  (M.A.  ii.  17).  Ra'user'kheper  is  a  mistake  for  Ra* 
kheper-kheperu,  Ay.  Mer-kheper'ptah  is  an  error  for 
Merneb'ptah  (tale  of  Setna),  and  this  is  perhaps  a 
Ptolemaic  bungle  for  Maat'neb*ra'mer*ptah,  Amen- 
hotep  III,  Rahotep  is  already  placed  about  the  XVIth 
dynasty;  see  vol.  i.  p.  246.  Ra'pe'am  is  an  error  for 
11—17 


258  UNPLACED  KINGS 

Horemheb.  Ra*user"maat*ra*neb*maat  is  probably  a 
combination  of  Ramessu  V.  and  VI.  Ses  or  Sesu 
appears  to  be  a  variant  name  of  Ramessu  II.  Thus 
the  various  reputed  kings  which  are  not  in  the  regular 
lists  are  not  of  historical  substance,  but  are  only 
linguistic  questions. 


DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA  259 


THE  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

FOR  the  age  of  the  decline,  when  the  great  conquests 
of  Tahutmes  I.  were  all  gradually  lost,  we  possess  a 
store  of  information  in  the  cuneiform  correspondence 
found  at  Tell  el  Amarna.  The  tablets  were  all  de- 
posited in  "The  place  of  the  records  of  the  palace  of 
the  king,"  as  it  is  called  ;  and  thence,  a  few  years  ago, 
they  were  dug  out  by  natives,  contemptuously  neglected 
by  the  authorities  to  whom  they  were  shown,  and  only 
a  part  of  them  at  last  saved,  in  a  much  injured  condi- 
tion, when  their  value  became  recognised.  They  were 
scattered  among  various  public  and  private  collections, 
and  copies  and  translations  have  been  issued  in  many 
different  forms  and  places.  No  attempt  has  yet  been 
made  to  combine  them  into  a  consecutive  history  ;  but, 
after  making  abstracts  of  them  all,  and  comparing 
them,  tabulating  all  the  proper  names  (over  250),  and 
arranging  the  sequence  of  them,  it  appears  that  we 
may  construct  some  provisional  narrative  from  them. 

They  fall  into  three  main  classes: — (i)  Those  of  the 
age  of  full  Egyptian  power,  when  troubles  were  only 
casual,  principally  the  correspondence  of  the  northern 
kings  in  alliance  with  Egypt.  (2)  Those  recording  the 
loss  of  northern  Syria,  the  main  correspondent  being 
Ribaddu.  (3)  Those  referring  to  Palestine,  the  back- 
bone of  which  is  the  set  of  Ebed-tob's  letters.  In  the 
present  account  an  abstract  is  given  «&f  each  letter, 
containing  all  the  proper  names,  relationships,  presents, 
and  political  details.  The  letters  are  arranged  as 
nearly  in  order  of  time  as  may  be ;  but  where  earlier 
letters  only  throw  light  on  the  individual,  and  not  on 
previous  events,  they  are  grouped  with  regard  to  the 


260  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

person.  The  later  translations  have  generally  been 
preferred  to  the  earlier ;  but  even  now  some  uncer- 
tainty may  rest  on  many  of  the  versions  here  given. 
The  variable  spelling  of  names  is  here  purposely  left  as 
translated ;  in  some  cases  it  is  due  to  variation  in  the 
cuneiform,  and  where  due  to  translators  it  may  show 
uncertainty  in  the  reading.  When  we  see  such  variable 
spellings  of  the  well-known  name  of  Amenhotep  III. — 
Nimutriya,  Nipmuaria,  Nimmuriya,  Mimmuriya — in 
cuneiform,  it  is  obvious  that  less  important  names  of 
obscure  persons  and  places  may  easily  vary,  and  have 
no  very  precise  authority. 

The  sources  are  indicated  thus: — R.P.  xiii.-xviii., 
"  Records  of  the  Past,"  series  ii.  vols.  i.-vi.  S.B.A., 
"  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology." 
M.  A.  F. ,  *  *  Mission  Arche"ologique  Fransaise, "  B.  O.  D. , 
Bezold,  "  Oriental  Diplomacy,"  and  "The  Tell  el 
Amarna  Tablets,"  same  numbers.  P. A.,  Petrie,  "Tell 
el  Amarna."  In  some  cases  there  are  discrepancies 
between  these  sources  and  the  following  abstracts, 
owing  to  my  taking  advantage  of  a  revision  which 
Professor  Sayce  has  been  kind  enough  to  make. 


POSITIONS  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  PERSONAGES  NAMED. 

Abdisullim,  gov.  of  Razor  Ebed-tob,  gov.  of  Jerusalem 

Abisharri          )               r  T  Kallimmasin,  king  of  Babylonia 

or  Abimelekh  }    £ov-  ot  lyre  Khaip  (after  Ribaddu),  gov.  of 

Aitugama,  gov.  of  Qedesh  Simyra 

Akizzi,  gov.  of  Qatna  Khayapa,  commissioner 

Ammunira,  gov.  of  Beyrut  Labai,  gov.  (?)  inland  of  Joppa 

Arzawiya,  gov.  of  Giscala  Ribaddu,   gov«   of  Simyra  and 

Aziru,  gov.  of  Amorites  GuBla 

Beya,  gov.  of  Rabbah  Tiuyatti,  gov.  of  Lapana 

Bikhura        )             nrvt  ~.IA\  Yankhamu,  gov.  of  Yarimuta 

or  Pakhura  \    £ov'  of  Kumidl  Yapakhi,  gov.  of  Gezer 

Btridiyi,  gov.  of  $iegiddo  Yidya,  gov.  of  Askelon 

Buaddu,  gov.  of  Urza  ( Yerza  ?)  Zimrida,  gov.  of  Zidon  and  (?) 

Burnaburyas,  king  of  Babylonia  Lachish 

Dushratta,  king  of  Mitani  Zitatna     -  )              f  Akfc 

Ebed-asherah,  father  of  Aziru,  or  Sutatna  {  gov*  ot  AKKo 

Abdimilki,   Abdirama,    Iddin- 

adda,  and  Salmasalla 


SYNOPSIS 


SYNOPSIS  OF  CORRESPONDENCE. 


First  Section. 

Dushratta  on  alliances  4-12 
Kallimmasin  and  Burna- 

buryas       .         .         .  13-18 

Alasiya,  commercial     .  20-26 

Details  of  governors     .  28-39 

Second  Section. 

Troubles  with  Khatti    .  40-41 

Troubles  near  Akko     .  42-49 

Aziru  acting  for  Egypt  50-54 

Ribaddu  in  peace          .  55~58 
Ribaddu    in    trouble    at 

Simyra       .         .         .  59-72 

Abisharri  attacked        .  75~79 

Aziru  protesting  fidelity  80-84 

Simyra  fallen        .         .  85 

Tunip  in  extremity        .  86 

Tyre  in  extremity          .  87 
Ribaddu     attacked      at 

Gubla        ...  88,  89 
Aziru's  and  Abdashirta's 

excuses     .         .         .  90,  94 


LETTERS 

Ribaddu  in  Gubla         .  91-93 

Ribaddu  appeals  .         .  95-96 

Ribaddu  in  extremity  .  97-102 

Ribaddu  flees  to  Beyrut  103-105 

Abdashirta's  excuses    .  106 

Beyrut  fallen         .          .  108 

Ribaddu's  last  letter     .  109 

Third  Section. 
Ebed  tob  and  Labai  in 

trouble       .         .         .  110-114 
Towns  by  Tiberias  fallen         1 1 6 

Troubles  in  Judea         .  119-123 

Labai  against  Egypt    .  124-126 

AkizzitoAmenhotepIV.  127-128 

Loss  of  Megiddo  .         .  129-132 

Raid  E.  of  Tyre    .         .  133 

Troubles  in  Judea          .  134 

LossofGezer       .         .  135-137 

Labai's  excuses     .         .  138-139 

Milkili  and  Suyardata  .  140-147 

Ebed-tob's  last  letter    .  148 

Unplaced      .         .         .  149-173 


One   of    the   earliest   letters   is   from   a    king,    who 
appears  by  his  name  to  be  a  Hittite. 


I. 

TARKHUNDARAUS  to  NIMUTRIYA.  T.  sends 
Irsappa  for  a  daughter  of  N.  ;  and  sends  a 
shuka  of  gold,  and  will  send  a  chariot,  etc. 
Prince  of  Khatti  on  mountains  of  Igaid  (Igaidai 
of  the  Mohar)  sends  a  shuka  weighing  20 
manahs,  3  kak  of  ivory,  3  kak  of  pirkar,  3  kak 
of  khussi,  8  kak  of  kusittiu,  Ibo  kak  of  lead 
...  5  kukupu  stones  .  .  .  10  thrones  of  usti 
wood  ...  2  usu  trees.  (S.B.A.  xi.  336.) 

The  language  of  this  tablet  is  unknown.     It  relates 
to  one  of   the    many   marriages    between    the  royal 


262  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

families,  which  were  always  accompanied  with  a  con- 
siderable equivalent  of  valuables. 

Two  other  glimpses  of  the  friendly  relations  of  the 
Khatti  or  Hittites  during  the  age  of  Egyptian  supremacy 
also  remain  in  the  following  letters  : — 


2.1  ...  AU  to  king  of  Egypt.  When  messengers 
went  to  the  Khatti,  Z.  alone  sent  presents  ; 
and  now  he  sends  8  slaves,  and  asks  for  gold 
in  return.  (S.B.A.  xiii.  132.) 


III. 

King  of  KHATTI  ?  to  KHURI  (short  for  Nipkhuriya, 
Amenhotep  IV.).  Asks  for  an  alliance,  as 
between  their  fathers.  Sends  a  bibru  of  silver 
5  minas,  another  3  minas,  2  gaggaru  of  silver 
10  minas,  and  2  great  ... 

(S.B.A.  xiii.  549.) 

From  this  we  see  that  the  treaty  of  Ramessu  II.  with 
the  Khita  was  only  the  last  of  a  long  series  of  compacts, 
which  began  at  least  as  early  as  Amenhotep  III.  -^ 


The  most  important  letters  showing  the  family  rela- 
tionships are  those  of  Dushratta,  king  of  Mitanni. 

IV. 

DUSHRATTA  to  NIPMUARIA.  D.  greets  Gilukhipa 
his  sister.  Soon  after  his  accession,  Pirkhi 
attacked  his  land  and  people  ;  but  D.  repulsed 
him,  and  slew  D.'s  brother  Artash*shumara, 
whom  P.  supported.  D.  notifies  VN.  of  this, 
as  N.  was  friends  with  D.Js  father,  who  gave 
him  D.'s  sister.  Artash'shumara  raised  the 
Khatti,  and  brought  them  into  D.'s  land,  but 


LETTERS  OF  THE  PEACE  263 

D.'s  god  Raman  gave  them  into  his  hand. 
D.  sends  a  chariot,  2  horses,  a  lad,  and  a  girl, 
of  the  booty  of  the  Khatti.  Also  5  cars  and 
trappings.  Also  to  D.'s  sister  Gilukhipa  a 
tutinatum  of  gold,  an  anzabatum  of  gold,  a 
mash-hu  of  gold,  and  ajar  of  oil.  Sends  Gilia 
a  messenger  and  Tunip'ipri.  Let  N.  return 
them  soon.  (S.B.A.  xv.  120.) 

Here  there  is  the  usual  oriental  tale  of  a  rivalry 
between  two  brothers  for  the  throne  ;  one  supported  by 
a  foreign  prince,  as  an  excuse  for  invasion. 


V. 

DUSHRATTA  to  NIMMURIYA.  N.  sent  Mani  to 
ask  for  daughter  of  D.  to  be  mistress  of 
Egypt.  Giliya,  D.'s  messenger,  reported 
words  of  N.  which  rejoiced  D.  And  D.  asks 
much  gold,  as  N.  sent  to  his  father  Sutarna  a 
dish,  cup,  and  brick  of  solid  gold.  D.  sends 
Giliya,  and  a  present  of  a  gold  goblet  set  with 
crystals  ;  a  necklace  of  20  crystal  beads  and 
19  of  gold,  in  middle  a  crystal  cased  in  gold  ; 
a  necklace  of  42  khulalu  stones,  and  40  gold 
beads ;  and  an  amulet  of  khulalu  stone  in 
gold,  10  pairs  of  horses,  10  chariots  of  wood, 
and  30  eunuchs.  (R.P.  xv.  84.) 

Here  Dushratta  is  sending  grand  presents,  besides 
being  willing  to  give  up  a  daughter  to  Egypt.  This 
points  to  his  being  a  tributary,  and  not  entirely  inde- 
pendent. Amenhotep  III.  sends  an  envoy  to  negotiate 
for  a  princess  to  be  the  "mistress  of  Egypt,"  and  this 
was  not  for  himself,  but  for  his  son,  as  the  later  letters 
show.  To  Dushratta's  letter  above,  Amenhotep  replied 
by  accepting  the  present,  and  sending  again  to  fetch 
the  princess.  His  request  is  acknowledged  in  the  next 
letter,  while  the  princess  was  preparing  for  the  journey. 


264  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

VI. 

DUSHRATTA  to  MIMMURIYA.  Mani,  A.'s  mes- 
senger, has  come  to  fetch  a  wife  from  D.  to  be 
the  mistress  of  Egypt.  Land  of  Khani-rabbat, 
and  land  of  Egypt  .  .  .  [Giliya,  D.'s  mes- 
senger, will  be  sent  in  6th  month  with  Mani, 
A/s  messenger.  Dowry  will  be  sent.  Much 
gold  asked  for.  (S.B.A.  xiii.  552.)  Or  [After 
6  months  Giliya  and  Mani  were  now  sent  with 
the  queen.  Nakharamassi  sent  by  D.  with 
letter.  D.  asks  for  much  gold;  has  sent  a 
spear  of  wood,  an  isizzu  of  Aleppo  stone,  and 
a  khulal  stone  set  in  gold.  (R.P.  xv.  74.) 

In  the  next  letter  Dushratta  calls  himself  father-in- 
law  to  Amenhotep  III.,  referring  to  some  previous 
marriage,  and  not  to  the  one  just  negotiated,  as  the 
last  was  of  Amenhotep  IV.,  as  shown  by  letters  IX. 
X.  and  XI.  The  position  of  the  letter  is  indicated  by 
Nakhramassi  being  sent. 

VII. 

DUSHRATTA  to  NIMMURIYA.  D.  is  father-in-law 
to  N.  May  Istar  bless  N.  Mani  the  mes- 
senger and  Khani,  dragoman  of  N.,  have 
brought  presents.  Nakhramassi  is  now  sent 
by  D.  with  a  necklace  of  crystal  and  alabaster 
and  some  gold.  (R.P.  xv.  73.) 


VIII.       . 

DUSHRATTA  to  NIMMURIYA.  D.  greets  Tadu- 
khipa  his  daughter,  and  Nimmuriya  his  son- 
in-law.  *  Sends  statue  of  Istar  of  Nina,  to  be 
honoured  by  N.  and  returned. 

(S.B.A.  xv.  124.) 

On  the  back  of  this  is  an  hieratic  docket,  apparently 
in  the  $6th  year  of  Amenhotep  III.,  month  of  Phar- 


LETTERS  OF  THE  PEACE  265 

muthi.  This  is  the  very  last  date  in  the  reign,  and 
would  be  two  or  three  weeks  later  than  the  papyrus  of 
Kahun  dated  under  Amenhotep  IV.  (see  p.  208).  It  is 
possible  that  the  docket  is  misread,  or  that  the  dating 
was  put  in  terms  of  Ninrmuriya's  reign  after  his  death, 
as  the  letter  was  addressed  to  him. 

(S.B.A.  xv.  124;  B.O.D.  10.) 


After  Ninvmuriya's  death,  Dushratta  hesitated  to 
address  the  son,  who  was  so  young,  and  wrote  to  Teie, 
whom  he  already  knew. 

IX. 

DUSHRATTA  to  TEIE.  D.  greets  Teie  and  Nap- 
khurariya  her  son,  Tadukhipa  D.'s  daughter, 
T. 's  daughter-in-law.  Appeals  to  old  friend- 
ship of  D.  with  Mimmuriya  ;  T.  alone  knows 
their  negotiations.  T.  had  sent  Giliya  the 
messenger  to  propose  to  maintain  relations  as 
before.  D.  asks  that  Napkhurariya  will  send 
the  gargar  of  gold.  Names  Yuni  D.'s  wife. 

(S.B.A.  xv.  127.) 

Giliya,  the  messenger  of  Dushratta,  had  probably 
brought  the  previous  letter  VIII.,  arriving  just  at  the 
death  of  Amenhotep  III.  He  was  sent  back  with  the 
news  by  Tyi,  as  here  stated  ;  and  the  above  is  Dush- 
ratta's  reply.  We  see  here  plainly  that  Tadukhipa  is 
Tyi's  daughter-in-law,  and  was  therefore  married  to 
the  IVth  and  not  to  the  Illrd  Amenhotep.  Nap' 
khura'riya  is  Neferkhepenrra,  Amenhotep  IV. 


X. 

DUSHRATTA  to  NAPKHURRURIYA.  D.  salutes 
Teie  thy  mother,  Tadukhipa  my  daughter  thy 
wife.  Pirizzi  and  Bubri  D.'s  messengers  sent. 
Mane  N.'s  messenger  and  Umeatu  D.'s 
messenger  sent  before.  D.  asks  for  return 


266>  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

of  his  messenger.     D.   has  projects  with  N.'s 
father,  which  Teie,  N.'s  mother,  alone  knows. 
(M.A.F.  vi.  304  ;  R.P.  xv.  89.) 

The  importance  of  Tyi  here  in  diplomacy  is  explained 
by  her  relationship  to  Dushratta  which  appears  in  the 
next  letter.  It  has  been  said  that  these  terms  of 
brother  and  sister  only  refer  to  an  official  brotherhood 
of  fellow  kings,  and  not  to  natural  relationship.  But 
this  is  directly  contradicted  by  the  precision  with  which 
son-in-law,  father,  and  father-in-law  is  named,  and 
daughter-in-law,  mother,  and  mother-in-law. 


XI. 

DUSHRATTA  to  NAPKHURRIYA.  N.  is  D.'s  son- 
in-law.  D.  salutes  Teie  "my  sister  and  thy 
mother,"  and  Tadukhipa  "  my  daughter  and 
thy  wife."  D.  has  done  all  that  Nimmuriya 
desired,  as  "Teie  thy  mother  knows."  Let 
N.  enquire  of  Teie.  The  father  of  Nimmuriya 
(Tahutmes  IV.)  sent  a  messenger  to  Artatama, 
father  of  D.'s  father,  asking  for  a  daughter  ; 
only  granted  on  7th  application.  Nimmuriya 
sent  Khamasi  (Kha'envuas)  to  Sut(arna) 
asking  for  a  daughter  from  D.'s  fatfier, 
namely,  D.'s  sister,  granted  the  7th  time. 
(S.B.A.  xiii.  559.)  Giliya  brought  back  gold, 
etc.,  to  Nimmuriya,  and  Nimmuriya  sent  his 
envoy  Nisag  with  slaves  and  gold.  Nim- 
muriya lately  died  and  Dushratta  is  much 
grieved.  The  envoy  Artatama  is  sent  by  D. 

(R.P.  xv.  79.) 

This  is  the^nost  important  letter  of  the  series,  for 
the  relationships  which  it  states.  It  shows  that 
Tahutmes  IV.  married  a  Mitannian  princess,  likewise 
Amenhotep  III.,  and  lastly,  Amenhotep  IV.;  anc(  it 
shows  that  Tadukhipa  was  the  queen,  "mistress  of 
Egypt"  (letter  VI.),  Neferfiti,  wife  of  Akhenaten. 


LETTERS  OF  THE  PEACE  267 

-     XII. 

DUSHRATTA  to  NAPKHURURIYA.  Khani  N.'s 
envoy  has  come.  N.  desired  that  as  D.  had 
been  friends  with  his  father  Mimmuriya,  so  he 
should  be  with  N.  Asks  for  a  wife  from  N., 
and  promises  to  send  ten  times  as  much 
presents.  D.  had  asked  for  two  gargar  of 
gold,  one  for  himself  and  one  for  Tadukhipa 
his  daughter.  M.  promised  him  also  rock 
crystal,  more  also,  patala  and  gargar.  But  N, 
did  not  send  them,  but  other  things.  Kha- 
massi  is  the  messenger  of  N. 

(S.B.A.  xiii.  556.) 

Here  Khani  is  the  dragoman  named  before  in  letter 
VII.;  and  he  played  an  important  part  as  resident  in 
Syria  during  the  period  of  decline.  Khamasi  or 
Kha'envuas  was  envoy  in  the  previous  reign,  as  the 
last  letter  shows.  Dushratta  here  seeks  to  strengthen 
further  the  ties  between  the  kingdoms,  by  having  a 
sister  of  Amenhotep  IV.  This  is  the  last  letter  from 
him  that  remains,  and  soon  after  the  intercourse  was 
broken  by  the  insurrection  of  the  intervening  peoples  of 
Syria. 

The  next  most  important  alliance  of  Egypt  was  with 
the  kings  of  Karduniyas,  or  Babylonia,  with  whom 
they  intermarried. 

XIII. 


NIPMUARIA     to     KALLIMMASIN,    king    of 

duniyas.  N.  (Amenhotep  III.)  had  asked  for 
a  princess  from  K.  ;  but  K.  complains  that  his 
sister,  who  was  given  to  N.  by  K.'s  father,  has 
not  been  seen  again.  N.  replies,  send  a  high 
official  who  knew  her  to  verify  her  state.  The 
present  messenger  Zakara  is  only  a  shepherd, 
and  none  of  the  others  knew  her. 

K.  complained  that  his  messengers  did  not 
know  his  sister  to  be  such,  and  N.  believes 


26B  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT 


Kaabb^  «f  Gagaya  or  Khani- 
she  may  impose  as  his/0'  "»»"*  1S  Produced 
[N.  promises  by  Anv<  S'stf  °n  th«  mf?enge''- 
on  the  meSSengerv-fen  tha*he  WlU  not  'mP°se 

If  K.  doubts  "1*7  anoth*r  w°ma?  ?]       .  „ 
see  his  daurv'm  this  way,  does  he  demand  to 
great  kinr-^       rs  are  marne<*  *°  otner 

b  t  th  +^>s^    And  why  was  K.'s  sister  sent 
p1^  presents  should  be  returned,  as  was 


-*-1N.  is  cold  to  K.'s  messengers  because  they 
bring-  nothing  ;  they  received  much  silver, 
gold,  oils,  purple,  and  all  things,  and  only 
brought  this  bad  message,  and  spoke  evil  in 
private.  K.  has  said  that  his  chariots  pre- 
sented were  mixed  up  with  those  of  the 
governors,  etc.  ;  but  N.  has  them  duly.  Scribe 
Kistu'nizaz*anni.  (S.B.A.  xv.  26.) 

From  this  we  see  Amenhotep  III.  had  married  a 
Karduniyan  (Babylonian)  princess  ;  but  that  her  brother 
Kallimmasin  was  not  satisfied  about  her  safety.  Amen- 
hotep appears,  however,  to  have  reassured  him,  so 
that  he  was  induced  to  send  another  princess  —  his  own 
daughter—  to  Egypt. 

XIV. 

KALLIMMASIN  to  the  king  of  Egypt.  K.'s  daughter 
Sukharti  ("the  younger")  will  be  sent  as 
asked  for.  K.'s  father  sent  a  messenger  who 
was  returned  ;  but  K.'s  messenger  was  de- 
tained five  years,  and  then  only  30  manahs  of 
gold  were  sent  by  him.  (S.B.A.  xiii.  130.) 

The  following*  letter,  from  the  tone  of  it,  appears  to 
be  also  from  Kallimmasin  ;  but  the  names  a're  all  lost. 

XV. 

xtoy.  #  refers  to  a  former  request  and  refusal  of  a 
daughter  of  Egn.  king  for  a  foreign  prince. 


LETTERS  OF  THE  PEACE  269 

A  foreign  princess  having  been  promised  to 
the  Egyptian  king  before  ;  but  the  Egyptian 
ambassador  did  not  bring  enough  gold.  More 
gold  asked  for  in  months  Duzu  or  Abu ; 
if  even  3000  talents  are  sent  to  xy  it  will  not  be 
accepted,  nor  will  x  sendjv  his  daughter. 

(S.B.A.  xiii.  128.) 

Next  we  find  that  Kallimmasin  had  died  ;  and  after 
three  other  reigns  (as  we  learn  from  the  Babylonian 
records)  he  was  succeeded  by  Burnaburiyas,  who  begins 
by  appealing  to  the  past  friendship  between  the  royal 
families,  and  opening  negotiations  to  get  an  Egyptian 
princess  betrothed  to  his  son. 


XVI. 

BURNABURIYAS  to  NAP-KHURA-RIYA.  Kings 
of  Karduniyas  and  of  Egypt  have  been  friends 
since  king  Kara'indash.  Messengers  have 
come  thrice  without  valuables,  and  B.  has 
nothing  to  send.  Ten  minas  of  gold  sent 
were  not  full  weight.  B.  has  some  girls,  N. 
may  ask  who  he  likes,  and  B.  will  send  her ; 

also  an ?  of  ancient  work.    When  Sindisu- 

gab,  B.'s  messenger,  leaves,  N.  is  to  send 
chariots  at  once,  for  B.  to  make  9  others  on 
the  pattern.  B.  sends  2  minas  of  uknu  stone 
(crystal  or  lazuli)  ;  and  for  N.'s  daughter, 
wife  of  B.'s  son,  (he?)  sends  a  collar  (?)  of 
stone,  .  .  .  10  of  uknu  stone  weighing  1048 
(end  lost).  (S.B.A.  xv.  117.) 

The  marriage  of  Napkhurariya's  daughter  here  stated 
cannot  have  been  effected  at  the  time,  as,  this  letter  was 
written  certainly  long  before  the  daughters  were  grown, 
and  Burnaburyas  sends  a  present  to  Egypt  for  her. 
This  must  then  refer  to  a  betrothal,  and  not  to  an 
actual  marriage.  Of  the  three  elder  daughters  one 
died,  and  two  married  successive  kings  of  Egypt,  so 


270  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

that  the  daughter  here  named  must  have  'been  the 
fourth  or  later,  and  born,  therefore,  as  late  as  the  loth 
year  of  Akhenaten's  reign.  The  sample  chariot  was 
evidently  sent,  as  the  next  letter  shows  the  others  to 
have  been  made  from  it. 


XVI  I. 

BURNABURIYAS  to  NIPKHURRIRIYA.  B.  and 
N.  Vfathers  were  allied.  B.  received  two  minas 
of  gold,  but  expects  more.  B.'s  father  was 
Kurigalzu  ;  in  his  time  the  Kunakhiu  (Canaan- 
ites)  sent  to  him  to  revolt  and  invade  Kanni- 
shat  (?),  and  he  refused.  B.  sends  three 
minas  of  rock  crystal  (or  lazuli),  10  sets  of 
harness  (or  5  pairs  of  horses),  and  5  chariots. 
(S.B.A.  xiii.  540  ;  see  R.P.  xv.  63.) 


Next  we  see  that  the  marriage  was  actually  carried 
out,  by  letter 

XVIII. 

BURNABURIYAS  to  NAPKHURARIYA.  A  list  of 
the  gold  and  ivory  thrones,  etc.,  sent  by  Shuti, 
which  formed  a  part,  or  the  whole,  of  tKe 
dowry  of  the  Egyptian  princess  who  was  to 
marry  his  son.  (B.O.D.  4.) 


A  portion  of  a  similar  list — perhaps  on  the  same 
occasion — also  remains. 

XIX. 

No    names.      ^Fragment    of    inventory    of    carvings, 
thrones,  sceptres,  etc.  (S.B.A.  x.  519.) 

This  marriage,  even  if  a  child-marriage,  must  have 
been  far  on  in  the  reign,  as  the  fourth  daughter  was 
not  born  till  the  xoth  year;  and  so  this  ceremony 


LETTERS  OF  THE  PEACE  271 

might  be  in  the  i4th  or  i5th  at  the  earliest.  As  Syria 
appears  to  be  clear  then  for  messengers,  the  decline 
and  loss  of  the  empire  must  have  come  very  quickly  in 
just  the  last  year  or  two  of  the  18  years'  reign  of  Akhen- 
aten.  This  agrees  with  a  successful  campaign  in  Syria 
being  represented  on  one  of  the  tombs  carved  under 
Akhenaten. 


Another  kingdom  with  which  there  were  commercial 
relations  was  that  of  Alashiya,  or  Alosa  in  Egyptian, 
as  endorsed  on  the  tablets  in  hieratic.  This  was  prob- 
ably the  northern  end  of  the  Syrian  coast.  No  personal 
name  of  the  king  is  stated. 

XX. 

King  of  Alasiya  to  king  of  Egypt.  Sends  a  tank  of 
bronze,  three  talents  of  hard  bronze,  one  tusk 
of  ivory,  one  chair,  and  a  ship. 

(S.B.A.  xi.  340.) 

XXI. 

King  of  Alashiya  to  king  of  Egypt.  Despatch  of  100 
talents  of  bronze,  a  couch,  a  chariot,  horses, 
etc.,  appears  to  have  been  lost  on  the  road  ;  on 
account  of  this  the  king  of  Alashiya  fears 
the  displeasure  of  Amenhotep.  Although  the 
king  of  Alashiya  has  sent  gifts  regularly  to  the 
king  of  Egypt,  from  the  time  of  his  ascending 
the  throne,  Amenhotep  has  sent  him  nothing. 

(B.O.D.  6.) 

XXII. 

King  of  Alasiya  to  king  of  Egypt.  Sent  his  messenger 
with  the  Egyptian.  Sent  five  talents  bronze, 
much  in  AM  and  wrought  there.  Asks  for 
gold,  and  oxen,  and  oils,  2  jars  of  kukubu, 
and  60  men.  Will  send  wood.  Man  of  A, 


272  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

has  died  in  Egypt  and  left  goods  ;  widow  and 
son  claim  them,  asks  that  A.'s  messenger  may 
bring  them.  Asks  for  gold,  and  will  send 
double  of  what  is  sent  to  A.  by  kings  of  Khatti 
and  Sankhar.  (S.B.A.  xiii.  544.) 


The  next  appears  to  relate  to  a  specified  tribute,  as 
the  amounts  are  much  the  sajne  as  in  letter  XXL; 
while  the  rest  of  the  business  differs  from  that. 

XXIII. 

King  of  Alashiya  to  king  of  Egypt.  Sends  100  talents 
of  bronze,  and  asks  for  a  couch  of  ushu  wood 
inlaid  with  gold,  a  chariot  inlaid  with  gold, 
two  horses,  etc.  Names  a  quarrel  between  A. 
and  E.  merchants.  Desires  equal  treatment 
and  reception  of  A.  and  E.  envoys.  Asks  for 
oils,  and  has  sent  a  khabanat  of  excellent  oil 
to  E.  (S.B.A.  xv.  133.) 

The  commercial  relations  of  Egypt  and  Alashiya 
seem  to  have  been  important  The  remaining  letters 
are  but  short. 


XXIV. 

King  of  Alasiya  to  king  of  Egypt.  Asks  for  mes- 
sengers back  quickly,  as  the  traders  go. 
Mentions  ships  of  Alasiya.  (S.B.A.  xiii.  547.) 


,  XXV. 

King  of  Alasiya  to  king  of  Egypt.  Introduction  of  a 
messenger  bearing  a  costly  gift.  Docket  in 
hieratic  "  Letter  from  Alosha." 

(S.B.A.  xi.  334.) 


LETTERS  OF  THE  PEACE  273 

The  next  letter  seems  to  show  the  troubles  beginning. 

XXVI. 

King  of  Alasiya  to  king  of  Egypt.  Protests  that  the 
king  of  Egypt  is  mistaken  about  people  of 
Lukki  who  come  into  Alasiya.  The  Alasiyans 
are  not  allied  to  the  Lukkians.  If  proved  to 
be  so  they  shall  be  punished. 

(S.B.A.  xv.  130.) 

These  Lukki,  whom  the  Alasiyans  repudiate,  are 
doubtless  the  Luka  or  Lykian  pirates  and  sea-rovers, 
who  were  the  mainstay  of  the  Mediterranean  con- 
federacies in  the  following  dynasties.  They  here 
appear  for  the  first  time  in  connection  with  another 
maritime  people,  the  Alasiyans. 

Another  alliance,  that  with  the  king  of  Assyria,  also 
appears. 

XXVII. 

ASSUR-YUBALLIDH    to    NAPKHURIYA.      A.    re- 
King-       ceived   the   ambassadors,  and  sent  a  chariot 
of         with  two  white  horses,  another  chariot,  and  a 
Assyria     seaj   Qf  white  crystal.      Asks  for   gold,  and 
arrears   due.      A.'s  father,  Assur*nadin*akhi, 
received  20  talents  of  gold  from  Eg.     King  of 
Khani  Tabbatu   (E.   Kappadokia)   received   20 
talents.     Asks  for  as  much.     The  Suti  (Satiu) 
had  waylaid  Eg.  ambassadors. 

(R.P.  xv.  61.) 

The  system  of  setting  up  nominees  of  Egypt  in  the 
conquered  provinces  has  left  its  mark  in  the  following 
letter:— 

XXVIII.  * 

ADDUNIRAR  to  king  of  Egypt.  Manakhbiya 
of  Nu-  (Tahutmes  IV.),  king  of  Masri  (Egypt),  raised 
khasse  A.  *s  father  to  rule  in  Nukhasse. 

(S.B.A.  xv.  so.) 
II— 18 


274  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

A  fragment  of  a  letter  (XXIX.)  belongs  to  Sutarna 
of  Musikhuni.  As  the  place  has  not  been  identified 
safely,  it  is  possible  that  this  is  from  Sutarna,  the 
father  of  Dushratta.  See  XL  (P. A.  36,  No.  100  bis.) 


A  view  of  the  duties  of  the  Egyptian  governors  is 
given  by  several  short  letters. 

XXX. 

xtoy.  A  governor  writes  to  adjacent  governors  say- 
ing that  he  is  going  to  send  Akiya  to  make 
his  submission  to  Egypt.  He  asks  if  any  gifts 
shall  be  sent  with  Akiya.  (B.O.D.  58.) 

This    shows    how   they   united   in   sending  a   joint 
messenger. 

XXXI. 

YIDYA   to   king    of    Egypt.     Y.    sends   food,    drink, 
of  As-       oxen,  etc.  as  a  tribute  (B.O.D.  52.) 

kelon 

XXXII.  _ 

YIDYA  to  king  of  Egypt.  Y.  supplied  the  troops 
with  all  necessaries.  (B.O.D.  54.) 


xxxui. 

YIDYA  to  king  of  Egypt.      Y.  guards  Askelon,  and 
sends  women.  (B.O.D.  53.) 

It  seems  that  not  only  did  the  Egyptians  take  thou- 
sands of  female  slaves  captive  into  Egypt,  but  a  regular 
tribute  of  girls  was  rendered  from  various  places.  Not 
only  in  the  above,  but  also  in  the  two  following  letters 
is  this  shown. 


LETTERS  OF  THE  PEACE  275 


XXXIV. 

SHATIYI  to  king  of  Egypt.  S.  guards  the  spring  of 
Zi  .  .  .  S.  has  sent  his  daughter  to  the 
king's  household.  (B.O.D.  77.) 


XXXV. 

SUMANDI  to  king  of  Egypt.  S.  asks  for  Khanya 
(the  dragoman,  lett.  VII)  to-be  sent;  and  he 
sends  300  oxen,  and  the  girls,  and  votive  offer- 
ings. (S.B.A.  xi.  331.) 

The    same   governor  writes   briefly   in    three  other 
letters. 

XXXVI. 

SHUMANDI  to  king  of  Egypt.  S.  is  disabled  by 
illness.  (B.O.D.  40.) 


In  XXXVII.  and  XXXVIII.  he  acknowledges  the 
receipt  of  a  despatch,  and  states  that  he 
guards  the  city.  (B.O.D.  38,  39.) 

Of  another  skekh  or  governor  far  in  the  East  we  get 
a  glimpse. 

XXXIX. 

ARTAMA-SAMAS  of  Zirrbasani  (the  plain  of  Bashan) 
to  the  king  of  Egypt.  A.  reports  his  adhesion, 
with  soldiers.  (R.P.  xvii.  99.) 


After  this  peaceful  correspondence  of  the  age  of 
supremacy,  we  begin  the  age  of  troubles  ;  gradually 
the  northern  people  began  fighting  with  one  another ; 
and,  not  being  coerced  by  the  Egyptians,  the  feuds 
spread  southward  through  all  Syria  and  Palestine. 


276  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

Each  governor  and  chief  attacked  his  weaker  neigh- 
bours, and  both  parties  sent  letters  to  Egypt,  each 
claiming  to  be  acting  in  the  Egyptian  interest  in  fight- 
ing the  other. 

The  warlike  Khatti,  or  Hittites,  who  were  never 
conquered,  but  only  repressed,  in  their  Cappadocian 
mountains,  began  to  spread  into  more  fertile  regions. 
In  letters  I.  II.  III.  we  have  seen  them  on  treaty  terms 
with  Egypt ;  but  now  they  were  fighting  for  their  own 
hand. 

XL. 

HADADPUYA  and  BILTMLU  to  king  of  Egypt. 
The  Khatta  have  taken  Lupakku  and  the  cities 
of  Am  from  Bin'addu  (Benhadad).  Zitanaand 
soldiers  have  gone  to  Nukhasse.  Greeting 
from  Amurhadad  to  Bin'ili,  Ebed'ip,  Bin* Ana, 
Bhvziddi,  and  Anati  (hostages  in  Egypt?). 

(R.P.  xvii.  99.) 


The  preparation  for  this  attack  is  noted  elsewhere,  in 

XLI. 

Eda(-gama)  to  king  of  Egypt.  Edafgama]  (see  "94, 
130,  135)  states  that  the  governor  of  Kinza  is 
leagued  with  the  Khatti,  and  attacked  the  cities 
of  Am.  E.  defends  his  city,  and  will  defend  it. 

(B.O.D.  46.) 


When  the  Egyptians  began  to  withdraw,  immediate 
disorder  arose,  ,as  shown  in 

XLII. 

x  to  king  of  Egypt.     The  Egyptian  troops  being  gone, 
the  country  rebels.  (B.CXD.  80.) 


NORTH  SYRIAN  REVOLT  277 

XLIII. 

YAMA  to  king  of  Egypt.  Y.  defended  his  cities  after 
the  governors  fled.  (S.B.A.  xi.  392.) 

The  echoes  of  these  difficulties  affected  even  the 
south,  and  down  at  Akku  (Acre)  difficulties  appear, 
although  the  land  is  all  nominally  Egyptian. 

XLIV. 
ZITADNA  of  Akku  protests  his  fidelity.      (B.O.D.  32.) 

XLV. 

NAMYA-ITSA  to  king  of  Egypt.  Reports  his  adhe- 
sion, with  his  Bedawin  and  Sute  (Satiu). 

(R.P.  xvii.  96.) 

XLVI. 

ZATATNA  (Zitadna,  XLIV.)  of  Akku  to  king  of  Egypt. 
Zirdanryasda  revolted.  Namya'itsa  remains 
with  Suta  the  Commissioner  in  Akku.  Egn. 
soldiers  are  in  Megiddo  with  a  female  refugee. 
Suta  sent  to  Zatatna  that  she  has  given 
Zirdanvyasda  to  Namya'itsa,  who  does  not 
accept  him.  (R.P.  xvii.  95.) 

What  Zatatna's  course  was  is  seen  by  the  complaints 
of  Burnaburyas,  which  show  that  the  land  was  still 
professedly  open  to  intercourse  from  Babylonia  to  Egypt. 

XLVII.  • 

BURNABURYAS  king  of  Karduniyas  to  NAPKHUH- 
RURIYA.  B.'s  messengers  with  Akhi'dhabu 
(Ahitub)  went  into  land  of  Kinakhkhi  (Canaan- 
ites),  and  on  to  Egypt.  In  Khinnatuni  of  the 


278  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

land  of  Kinakhkhi,  Simradda  (ShenrHadad) 
son  of  Balumme  (Balaam)  and  Sutatna  (or 
Zitadna,  46)  son  of  Saratum  (or  Zurata,  132) 
of  Akku,  slew  them  and  robbed  the  presents. 
B.  complains  because  the  Kinakhkhi  belong1 
to  Egypt,  and  asks  redress ;  or  else  B.'s 
people  will  slay  Egyptian  ambassadors,  and 
their  agreement  be  broken;  i  maneh  of  crystal 
sent.  (R.P.  xv.  65.) 

Of  Sumaddu,  who  acts  as  freebooter,  we  learn  that 
he  was  governor  of  Samkhtma  (Semekhonitis,  Gr.  = 
Merom,  33  m.  E.  of  Akku),  whence  (XLVIII.)  he  sent 
a  report  of  peace  to  the  king.  (S.B.A.  xii.  328.)  But 
later  he  excuses  his  deficiencies  by  the  disturbed  state 
of  the  land. 


XLIX. 

SHUMADDU  to  the  king  of  Egypt.  S.  is  unable  to 
send  corn,  because  the  threshers  have  driven 
away  the  overseers.  (B.O.D.  66.) 


The  principal  leaders  of  revolt  in  Syria  were  the 
family  of  Abdishirta,  and  particularly  one  of  them,  who 
was  a  native  governor  appointed  by  the  Egyptians, 
named  Aziru.  The  latter  appears  to  have  been  the 
most  capable  and  energetic  of  the  rulers,  and  to  have 
been  faithful  to  Egypt,  until  it  was  clear  that  the  Egyp- 
tians were  hopelessly  weak,  when  he  determined  to  do 
the  best  he  could  for  his  own  hand.  His  earlier  letters 
are  purely  in  the  Egyptian  interest. 
e 

L. 

AZIRU  to  DUDU  (viceroy).  A.  has  done  all  that  the 
king  desired.  A.  rules  in  the  land  of  the 
Amurri  (Amorites).  (S.B.A.  xiii.  217.) 


NORTH  SYRIAN  REVOLT  279 

LI. 

AZIRU  to  the  king  of  Egypt.  Two  men  were  sent 
by  the  messengers  to  receive  the  orders  for 
the  land  of  Amurru.  (S.B.A.  xv.  21.) 

LII. 

AZIRU  to  DUDU.  Khatib  has  made  report  to  the 
king,  and  is  now  with  D.  King  of  Khatti  has 
invaded  Nukhasse. 

LITL 

AZIRU  to  the  king  of  Egypt.  A.  has  carried  out  all 
his  orders  .  .  .  the  kings  of  Nukhasse  .  .  . 
city  of  Tsumuri  (Simyra).  (S.B.A.  xi.  410.) 

In  the  next  we  see  Aziru  trying  to  use  Dudu  as  a 
catspaw  to  get  a  subsidy  from  Egypt. 

LIV. 

AZIRU  to  DUDU.  The  kings  of  Nukhasse  said  to  A. 
that  his  father  got  all  the  gold  he  wanted  from 
the  king  of  Egypt.  (S.B.A.  xiii.  216.) 

We  next  turn  to  a  most  faithful  servant  of  the  Egyp- 
tians, Ribaddu,  governor  of  Simyra  and  afterwards  of 
Gabula,  who  has  left  the  longest  correspondence  of  all ; 
nearly  forty  letters  of  his  extend  from  the  age  of  tran- 
quillity to  the  almost  entire  loss  of  Syria. 

LV.  • 

RIBADDU  to  the  king.  Names  the  official  Amanma 
or  Amanappa).  R.  marches  with  60  chariots 
...  Let  Yappa'addu  be  blamed  ...  Two 
ships  are  sent.  (S.B.A.  xi.  361.) 


s8o  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

Ebed-ashera  (or  Arad-ashirta)  soon  appears  as  the 
enemy  of  the  Egyptian  power.  His  sons — including 
Aziru — seem  to  have  been  the  main  rebels,  though  pro- 
fessing to  act  in  the  Egyptian  interest. 

LVI. 

RIBADDU  to  the  king.  Sons  of  Ebed-ashera  have 
taken  two  horses  and  chariots,  and  Yivana  (the 
Ionian)  is  gone  to  Tyre.  R.  sent  two  messengers 
to  Zemar.  Asks  for  ten  men  of  Melukhkha 
and  ten  of  Egypt  for  defence. 

(R.P.  xviii.  50.) 

The  following  may  be  about  this  same  period. 

LVII. 

RIBADDU  of  Gabla  to  king.  King's  guard  have 
stolen  goods  of  R.  as  well  as  of  the  king. 
Pakhura  (Syrian)  has  sent  the  Sute  and  smitten 
the  Serdani  (Egyptian).  R.  rebuts  charges. 

(R.P.  xviii.  66.) 

LVIII. 

RIBADDU  to  AMANAPPA  (Amenemapt).  R.  asks^A. 
to  deliver  him  from  Arduashirta's  soldiers. 
He  was  ordered  to  send  ships  to  Yarimuta. 
Soldiers  patrol  the  land  of  Amurri.  R.  desires 
that  troops  be  not  sent  to  Akzabu  (Achzib). 

(M.A.F.  vi.  307;  R.P.  xviii.  62.) 

L1X. 

RIBADDU  to  the  king.  Hostile  is  Ebedasherah  of 
Barrabarti ;  he  has  captured  cities,  and  stirred 
up  Gubla  and  Tyre,  saying,  "  I  am  your  lord." 
And  Bedawin  have  done  like  the  city  of  Ammi 
.  .  .  the  Serdanu.  Zemar  is  still  strong 
for  R.  (R.P.  xviii.  89.) 


NORTH  SYRIAN  REVOLT  281 

LX. 

RIBADDU  to  king.  R.  sent  nephews  to  Tyre  for 
safety.  Palace  of  Tyre  is  great  like  that  in 
Ugarita.  (R.P.  xviii.  63.) 

LXI. 

RIBADDU  to  the  king.  Names  the  city  of  Tisa  .  .  . 
in  land  of  Tsumuri,  and  the  land  of  Martu 
(Amurri).  (P.A.  35,  No.  3.) 


The  following  letter,  addressed  to  the  chief  of  Amurri, 
was  probably  sent  to  Aziru,  as  he  ruled  and  received 
orders  in  the  land  of  Amurra ;  but  no  addressee  is 
named.  Khanni  was  formerly  dragoman  (VII.),  but 
here  appears  to  be  administrator. 

LXII. 

KHANNI  to  chief  of  Amurra.  The  chief  of  Gubla 
has  complained  of  an  attack  by  the  chief  of 
Amurra,  and  asked  to  be  protected  by  Khanni. 
Chief  of  Amurra  is  summoned  to  a  court- 
martial  at  Zidon.  A  woman  Mada  has  gone 
to  chief  of  Qidsa,  driven  out  by  the  Amurri  to 
a  hostile  place.  Threats  of  burning  him  out. 
Amurri  is  in  land  of  Kinakhi.  Next  year  K.'s 
son  must  go  to  Egypt  with  a  settlement  of 
affairs.  Asks  A.  to  send  in  his  son  to  Egypt 
as  a  hostage,  and  allows  this  year  for  him  to 
do  so.  Next  year  will  be  too  late.  Khanni  is 
sent  in  place  of  the  king,  with  a  black  list  of 
enemies.  A.  is  asked  to  help  tc^  bring  in  Sarru 
and  all  his  sons,  Tuya,  Liya  and  all  his  sons, 
Pisiari  and  his  sons,  the  son-in-law  of  Mania 
and  his  sons  and  wives  .  .  .  Da  wife  of  (or 
Dasarti)  Paluma,  and  Nlmmakhi  hapadu  of 
Amurri,  (S.B.A.  xiii.  224.) 


282  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

A  later  translation,  while  agreeing  in  the  names, 
renders  this  as  a  reproach  to  the  chief  of  Gubla  for 
expelling  his  brother,  who  lives  in  Zituna,  etc.  But 
this  is  not  so  concordant  with  the  address  to  the  chief 
of  Amurri. 

In  the  next  we  have  an  appeal  from  another  city. 
LXIII. 

IRQ  AT  A  city,  to  the  king  of  Egypt.  The  nobles  of 
Irqata  send  30  horses,  etc.  Men  of  a  town  in 
Shanku,  who  were  before  friendly,  now,  are 
foes.  Irqata  refuses  their  offers,  and  appeals 
to  Egypt.  (B.O.D.  42.) 

The  appeal  was  In  vain,  as  the  next  letter  shows. 

LXIV. 

RIBADDU  to  king  of  Egypt.  R.  is  distressed  by  the 
sons  of  Ebed'asirta  who  descend  into  Amurni. 
All  the  land  of  Tsumura  and  city  of  Irqata 
(Tell  'Arqa)  rebel  in  Tsumura.  Governor  has 
left  Gubla.  Neither  Zimrida  nor  Yapa'addu 
are  with  R.  Governor  sent  to  them,  and  they 
paid  30  manehs.  King  has  sent  reinforce- 
ments to  Tsumura  and  Irqata,  garrison"" of 
Tsumura  has  fled.  (R.P.  xv,  70.) 

LXV. 

RIBADDU  to  king  of  Egypt.  Names  Tsumuri  and 
Arad-asirti.  .  (P.A.  35,  No.  2.) 

The  next  letter  has  lost  the  sender's  name,  but  is 
doubtless  from  'the  faithful  Ribaddu. 

LXVI. 

x  to  king  of  Egypt.  Owing  to  Abd'ashirta,  Khaya 
(or  Khaip,  governor  of  Zumura)  was  unable 


NORTH  SYRIAN  REVOLT  283 

to  send  ships  to  land  of  Amurri.  Ships  from 
Arvad,  in  charge  of  x>  lack  men,  and  x  urges 
that  Egyptian  ships  and  men  be  sent  ;  also 
that  an  officer  be  set  over  ships  of  Sidon, 
Beyrut,  and  Arvad,  to  seize  Abd'ashirta. 

This  appeal  to  secure  tne  fleet  for  Egypt  failed,  as 
we  read  in  the  next  letter  that  the  ships  were  lost. 


LXVII. 

RIBADDU  to  the  king.  May  the  goddess  of  Gubla 
give  power  to  the  king.  Aziru  is  his  adver- 
sary, has  taken  12  of  R.'s  men,  and  asks  50 
of  silver  ransom  ;  A.  has  taken  in  Tambuliya 
men  whom  R.  had  sent  to  Zumur.  Ships  of 
Zumur,  Biruta,  and  Ziduna  all  are  gone  over 
to  land  of  Amuri  (i.e.  to  Aziru,  see  L.). 
Yapa'addu  as  well  as  Aziru  attacks  R. ,  and 
have  taken  his  ships.  R.'s  family  will  go 
over  to  enemy  if  not  succoured.  R.  holds 
Zumur,  but  is  surrounded  by  enemies  for  two 
months  past.  Ask  Amanma  if  R.  has  not 
been  faithful  in  Alasiya  .  .  .  Yarimuta  .  .  . 
Yappa*addu.  >  (S.B.A.  xv.  359.) 

In  the  next  three  letters  we  see  that  Ebed-asherah 
had  obtained  allies,  and  was  pushing  his  way  still 
further  against  Ribaddu. 


LXVIII. 

RIBADDU  to  king.  Salma-salla  son  ofc  Ebed-asherah 
holds  Ullazu,  Ardata,  Yibiliya,  Ambi,  and 
Sigata.  Kings  of  Kasse  and  Mitani  have 
taken  land  of  the  king.  If  help  is  not  sent 
Zemar  will  fall  also,  and  R.  cannot  go  to 
Zemar.  (R.P.  xviii.  58.) 


DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 


LXIX. 

RIBADDU  to  the  king.  Zemar  still  faithful.  Yappa- 
addu  does  not  help.  Kasites  joined  Ebed- 
asherah  and  Mitani  and  the  Khatti  take 
the  land.  King  has  sent  troops  with  Yan- 
khamu,  and  men  of  Yarimuta,and  commissioner 
of  Kumidi  .  .  .  (R.P.  xviii.  59.) 


The  name  of  the  sender  is  lost ;  but  the  following 
letter  is  clearly  from  Ribaddu,  and  of  this  period. 

LXX, 

x  to  king  of  Egypt,  x  held  Tsumura.  City  of  Zarak 
reports  that  the  four  sons  of  Abd'asirti  are 
captured.  Yapa'addu  and  Aziru  oppose  x. 
Sons  of  Abd'asirti  went  against  Tarkumiya, 
and  took  the  land  of  the  king  of  Egypt,  the 
king  of  Mitana'nanu,  the  king  of  Tarkusi,  and 
the  king  of  Khata  (Hittites).  Yankhamu  the 
servant  of  the  king  of  (in  ?)  Yarimuta,  and  the 
Resident  Melekh'mi  .  .  .  (S.B.A.  xi.  356.) 

The  report  of  the  capture  of  the  Abd'ashirtitesjvas 
false,  as  we  find  them  more  active  in  future.  *"" 


We  next  see  that  even  Zemar  was  in  great  danger. 

.      LXXI. 

RIBADDU  to  the  king.  R.  in  difficulty  for  Zemar ; 
sends  two  messengers  to  king,  one  of  Yari- 
mutaTv  Asks  for  help  to  take  Aziru,  as  sons  of 
Ebed-ashera  have  smitten  cities,  Zemar, 
Ullaza,  Sawa.  .  .  .  Offers  to  send  to  Yan- 
khame  and  Biri.  R.  has  occupied  Amurri  in 
peace,  with  Yapa'addu  and  Khatib,  Asks  for 
men  of  Malukh'kha.  (&•?•  xviii.  52.) 


NORTH  SYRIAN  REVOLT  385 

And  next  we  see  that  Zemar  was  lost. 
LXXII. 

RIBADDU  to  the  king.  Ebed-asherah  strong  against 
R.,  and  sends  to  Mitana  (Aram  Naharaim) 
and  Kasse  (Babylonia).  E.  has  collected 
Bedawin  against  Sigata  and  Ambi.  Zemar  is 
already  lost.  (R.P.  xviii.  56.) 


We  turn  now  to  other  writers,   resuming  the  later 
troubles  of  Ribaddu  at  No.  Ixxxviii. 


LXXIII. 

SU(?)YARZANA  to  king  of  Egypt.     S.  is  attacked  by 

of       the  city  of  Tusulti.     The  Bedawin  have  taken 

KHAZI,  Makhzi  .   .  .  ti  and  burnt  it,  and  have  gone 

against  Aman'khatbi  (Amenhotep),   and  have 

taken     Gilu,     and    only    Bal'garib    survives. 

They  attack  Magdali,  and  Usteru  .  .  .,  and 

Khazi.      S.    captured   50  Bedawin,   and  took 

them  to  Aman'khatbi  .  .   . 

(R.P.  xvii.  85.) 

Tusulti  has  been  equalled  with  Tasuret  of  Thothmes, 
probably  Teiasir  n  N.E.  of  Shechem,  but  the  rest  of 
these  places  seem  to  be  lower  down  in  the  Esdraelon 
region,  for  Khazi  is  the  Khazay  of  Thothmes,  Tell  el 
Kussis,  8  N.  W,  of  Megiddo.  The  ruler  of  Migdol  was 
soon  in  extremities,  and  wrote  as  follows : — 


LXXIV. 

x  to  king  of  Egypt,  x  has  no  authority  in  Magdalim, 
and  the  soldiers  of  Kukbi  have  conspired,  x 
contradicts  Abbikha,  who  says  that  his  cities 
have  been  captured  by  the  enemy. 

(B.O.D.  73-) 


286  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

Abi'sharri,  otherwise  rendered  as  Abi'milki,  the 
governor  of  Tsurri  (Tyre),  is  another  important  person, 
whose  troubles  were  like  those  of  Ribaddu. 

LXXV. 

ABISHARRI  to  king  of  Egypt.  A.  asks  for  Uzu  to 
strengthen  him  ;  for  Ilgi  ruler  of  Sidon  has 
defeated  him.  The  ruler  of  Khazur  (Hazor} 
has  come  out.  (S.B.A.  xiii.  323.) 

The  ruler  of  Khazur  appealed  to  Egypt. 

LXXVI. 

ABDI-SULLIM  to  the  king  of  Egypt.      A.   will  hold 

of       his  city  until  the  king  comes. 
Khazur.  (B.O.D.  47.) 

Ilgi  named  above  must  have  soon  died  or  been  slain, 
as  a  new  ruler  appears  in  this  next  letter. 

LXXVII. 

ZIMRIDDI    to   king   of  Egypt.       Z.    is   governor   of 

of       Ziduna,   which  is  safe  for  the  king ;  Z.  asks 

Sidon.    succour.  (S.B.A.  xiii.  318.) 

This  profession  of  obedience  seems  to  have  been  only 
a  blind,  to  draw  some  supplies  ;  for  we  read  in 

LXXVIII. 

ABISHARRI  to  king  of  Egypt.  The  king  thunders  in 
heaven  like  the  god  Addu.  The  king  sent  a 
message  and  all  the  land  feared.  A.  is 
raised  to  the  rank  of  the  great  officers.  Zim- 
nda  governor  of  Ziduna  sends  messages  to 
the  rebel  Aziru,  son  of  Arad'ashratu,  for  all  the 
Egyptian  news.  Is  that  right  ? 

(S.B.A.  xv.  518.) 

Zinirida  soon  takes  a  more  active  course. 


NORTH  SYRIAN  REVOLT  287 


LXXIX. 

ABISHARRI  to  king  of  Egypt.  A.  cannot  leave  his 
town  to  come  to  Egypt,  because  he  cannot  get 
out  of  the  hands  of  Zimrida  of  Ziduna,  who 
knows  that  he  wants  to  leave,  and  wars 
against  him.  Asks  for  10  men  to  guard  the 
town  in  his  absence,  and  sends  a  messenger. 
Asks  for  wood  and  water,  because  placed  on 
the  sea  they  have  neither.  The  messenger, 
Ilu-milku,  bears  5  talents  of  copper,  subu 
and  a  ginazu.  Replying  to  the  king's  en- 
*  quiries  about  Kinaahna,  the  king  of  Danuna 
(Danian,  135  of  Tyre)  is  dead,  his  brother 
succeeds,  and  the  land  is  quiet.  The  house  (?) 
of  the  king  of  Ugarit  is  half  burnt.  Of  the 
Khatti  nothing.  Itamagapapiri  of  Qidshu, 
and  Aziru,  war  with  Namyapiza.  Zimrida 
collected  ships  and  men  of  Aziru  and  came 
against  Abisharri.  (S.B.A.  xv.  507.) 

This  phrase  of  asking  for  ten  men  (or  officers)  is  like  the 
modern  idiom  in  Egypt  of  asking  for  two  piastres,  as  a 
modest  way  of  applying  for  an  indefinite  amount.  The 
difficulty  in  Tyre  for  wood  and  water  has  always  been 
common  in  war. 

Aziru,  however,  gives  another  version  of  his  relations 
with  Egypt,  and  asks  for  supplies  from  the  king,  pre- 
paratory to  his  final  rebellion. 


LXXX 

• 

AZIRU  to  king  of  Egypt.  A.  is  always  faithful  to 
Egypt.  The  people  of  Sumuri  disturb  him. 
If  the  king  of  the  Khatti  comes  against  him, 
he  needs  men,  chariots,  etc.,  to  repel  him. 

(S.B.A.  xiii.  219.) 


288  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 


LXXXI. 

AZIRU  to  DUDU  (viceroy).  Khatib  (Hotep)  will  go 
to  the  king  ;  if  Aziru  also  leaves,  the  king 
of  Khatti  will  come  into  Nukhassi,  and  his 
revolt  will  be  laid  to  us.  (S.B.A.  xiii.  229.) 


LXXXII. 

AZIRU  to  x.     The  king-  of  the  Khatti  is  in  Nukhassi 
and  Tunip  (Tennib)  and  Martu. 

(S.E.A.  xiii.  233.) 


LXXXII  I. 

AZIRU  to  king  of  Egypt.  A.  and  Khatib  are  now 
leaving ;  but  the  king  of  the  Khatti  is  in 
Nukhassi  and  in  Tunip.  (S.B.A.  xiii.  232.) 


LXXXIV. 

AZIRU  to  KHAI  (viceroy).     A.  and  Khatib  will  soon 
leave.     The  king  of  the  Khatti  is  in  Nukhassi, 
.  and  went  into  the  land  of  Martu  (  =  Arfturri), 
and  ravaged  the  city  of  Dunip  (Tennib). 

(S.B.A.  xiii.  231.) 

A  very  different  version  of  these  affairs  is  given  by 

the  other  side. 

» 

LXXXV. 

ABI'SHARRI  to  king  of  Egypt.  The  king  is  like  the 
sun-god,  like  the  god  Addu  in  heaven.  The 
king  set  A.  in  Tyre,  and  A.  asks  for  20 
soldiers.  .  .  .  Aziru  .  '.  .  Arad'ashratu  . 
revolted  Khabi.  If  a  messenger  had  been 
sent  there  Zumur  would  not  have  been  given 


NORTH  SYRIAN  REVOLT  289 

to  Aziru.  Zimrida  has  taken  Uzu  (Hosah) 
from  A.,  and  A.  has  no  wood  or  water,  or 
burial-ground.  Zimrida  of  Ziduna  and  Aziru, 
and  men  of  Arvada,  have  sworn  together,  and 
assemble  ships,  chariots,  and  soldiers,  to  take 
Tyre.  They  took  Zumur  on  the  word  of 
Zimrida,  who  brought  a  false  message  (see 
LXXVIII.)  to  Aziru.  No  wood  nor  water. 

(S.B.A.  xv.  511.) 

This  mentions  the  fall  of  Zumura,  which  Ribaddu 
reported  in  LXXII.  And  Zimrida,  who  was  beleaguer- 
ing Tyre  in  LXXIX.,  here  is  joined  with  Aziru  and  the 
Arvadites. 

Tunip  also  besought  the  king  against  Azirtu 


LXXXVI. 

TUNIP  people,  to  king  of  Egypt.  Manakhbiria  (Men- 
kheper'ra,  Tahutmes  III.)  received  their 
allegiance.  His  statues  are  in  the  town. 
They  have  sent  messages  twenty  times.  By 
the  god  Addu  they  demand  a  reply.  Aziru 
has  maligned  them  as  enemies  to  Egypt  and 
to  the  Khatti.  Aziru  will  treat  them  like  the 
people  of  Ni,  who  have  broken  allegiance  to 
Egypt.  Aziru  took  Zumur.  The  writers 
desire  a  reply.  (S.B.A.  xv.  18.) 

This  is  the  last  appeal  of  Tunip  ;  and  below  is  the 
last  appeal  of  Tyre. 


LXXXVII.  • 

ABISHARRI  to  king  of  Egypt.     The  king  gave  orders 

to  supply  wood  and  water,  but  nothing  is  done. 

A.  is  the  servant  of  Salmayati,  and  Tyre  is 

the  eity  of  Saimayati.  (S.B.A.  xv.  515.) 

11—19 


290  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

LXXXVIII. 

RIBADDA  to  king  of  Egypt.  Reports  conspiracy  of 
Aziru,  fall  of  Zumura,  and  death  of  governor 
Khaib.  Therefore  Bikhura  will  not  be  able  to 
hold  Kumidi.  (B.O.D.  18.) 

Here  we  learn  the  name  of  the  unlucky  governor  of 
Zumura,  whom  we  have  met  before  in  letter  LXVL 
Bikhura  saved  himself  by  joining  the  victors,  as 
Ribaddu  laments  in  the  next. 


LXXXIX. 

RIBADDA  to  king  of  Egypt.  R.  attacked  by  Bikhura, 
governor  of  Kumidi,  who  incited  the  Sute 
(Bedawin),  with  Abdirama,  Iddin-adda,  and 
Abdi-milki  (or  Abdisharri),  sons  of  Abd- 
ashirta,  to  attack  him.  (B.O.D.  20.) 

Next  Aziru  sends  a  polite  series  of  excuses  for  his 
falseness. 

XC. 

AZIRU  to  king  of  Egypt.     When  envoy  Khani  came, 
A.  was  at  Tunip,  and  knew  it  not.    FollowedJiim 
in  vain.    A.'s  brother  and  Bitil  received  K.  well, 
and  supplied  him.     Another  time  Khani  came, 
and  received  A.  as  a  father.    King  orders  A.  to 
rebuild    Zumur.      Kings    of    Nukhassi    have 
fought  A.  and  taken  town,  urged  by  Khatib,  _ 
and   A.    has   not   rebuilt.     Khatib  hpjs.,  \aken 
half  of  what  king  gave  him,  anrj  all  the  gold 
and  silver.     King  has  asked  iwhy  A.  refused 
his  etfvoy  and  welcomed  "that  of  the  Khatti  ; 
but  he  has  r;^ve(i  the  envoy  well. 

(S.B.A.  xv.  372.) 


Here  the  ki^g,  has  heard  Of  the  fall  of  Zumura,  and 
ordered   its  tjrestorationj  but  Aziru  tries  to  throw  the 


NORTH  SYRIAN  REVOLT  291 

blame  of  its  destruction  on  the  kings  of  Nukhassi  and 
Khatib  the  Egyptian,  who  were  apparently  leagued 
with  Aziru.  He  also  tries  to  abuse  Khatib  as  false  to 
the  king. 

Another  lament  from  Ribaddu  follows  ;  the  sender's 
name  is  rendered  Rabimur  or  Ilu*rabi'khur,  but  this 
is  apparently  from  Ribaddu. 

XCI. 

RIBADDU  (?)  to  king  of  Egypt.  A.  ruled  in  Gubla. 
Aziru  has  smitten  Aduna  king  of  Irqata,  the 
land  of  Ammiya  and  the  king  of  Ardata,  and 
taken  Tsumura  and  other  towns.  Only  Gubla 
is  left  to  the  king.  The  city  of  Ullaza  and 
Palasa  are  captured  by  Aziru.  Sarnu  .  .  . 
Itakama  smote  the  land  of  Am.  The  king  of 
the  Khatta,  and  king  of  Nariba  .  .  . 

(S.B.A.  xiii.  220;  R.P,  xvii.  90.) 

XCII. 

ILU-RABI'KHUR  of  Gubla  to  king  of  Egypt.  Aziru 
has  leagued  with  the  kings  of  Ammiya  and 
Ni  against  the  king.  He  asks  for  30  to  50 
men  to  guard  the  city  and  Zumur,  and  warns 
the  king  against  Aziru.  (B.O.D.  45.) 

Ribaddu  again  reports  his  afflictions  in  the  next. 

XCIII. 

RIBADDU  to  king  of  Egypt.  Zumuru  captured.  Biri 
an  Eg.  officer  slain  and  men  scattered. 
R.  applied  to  Pakhamnata,  who  would  not 
help,  and  was  present  when  Zumuru  was 
destroyed.  Troops  of  Gubla  slain  at  Zumuru, 
No  corn  in  Gubla,  serious  state. 

(B.O.D*  24,) 


292  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

Pakhamnata,  evidently  an  Egyptian  envoy,  seems  to 
have  played  false  ;  and  we  see  old  Arad'ashirta  claim- 
ing to  be  faithful  and  submissive  to  the  envoy. 


XCIV. 

ARAD-ASHRATU  to  king  of  Egypt.  A.  guards  the 
whole  land  of  Amuri.  A.  tells  Pakhanati  his 
inspector  (or  Resident)  to  take  the  auxiliaries 
...  A.  guards  Zumur  and  Ullaza  (taken  by 
Aziru,  see  XCL).  When  the  inspector  brings 
word  from  the  king,  A.  will  give  up  Zumur. 

(S.B.A.  xv.  502.) 

A   new  governor  was   sent   to   try   to   improve  the 
affairs,  and  Ribaddu  at  once  seeks  to  take  action. 

XCV. 

RIBADDU  to  KHAYAPA.  R.  prostrates  before  K. 
sent  as  commissioner.  R.  asks  for  troops 
against  Zemar.  Ebed-asherah  is  strong 
among  the  Bedawin,  and  sent  50  convoys  of 
horses  and  200  soldiers  into  Sigata,  which  he 
holds,  and  also  Ambi.  ,^ 

(R.P.  xvni.  56.) 

He  also  appeals  to  another  governor,  but  in  vain. 

XCVI. 

RIBADDU  to  AMANAPPA.  R.  prostrates  himself 
before  A.  May  the  goddess  of  Gubla  protect 
him.  r Asks  why  he  does  not  speak  for  him, 
that  A.  may  come  with  troops  and  take  land 
of  Amuri.  Amuri  have  a  stronghold  and  no 
longer  belong  to  Arad'asirta  ;  they  drill  day 
and  night,  and  we  must  do  the  same.  All  the 
governors  desire  action  since  Arad'asirta  has 


NORTH  SYRIAN  REVOLT  293 

ordered  people  of  Ammiya  to  slay  their  master. 
R.  asks  A.  to  tell  all  this  to  the  king.  A. 
knows  R.  and  his  acts  at  Zumur. 

(S.B.A.  xv.  355.) 

Ribaddu  appears  to  have  discovered  some  defection 
in  the  enemy's  party,  and  wished  to  encourage  the  new 
envoys  to  take  active  steps.  For  a  time  it  seems  as  if 
the  Egyptian  interest  was  succeeding,  as  in  the  next 
letter,  after  they  had  been  short  of  corn  for  two  years, 
and  Ribaddu  was  limited  to  Gubla,  the  governor  ejected 
Ebed-asherah  from  Amurri. 


XCVII. 

RIBADDU  to  king.  For  two  years  no  corn ;  all 
families  of  garrison  have  gone  to  Yarimuta. 
King  has  sent  400  men  and  30  convoys  of 
horses  to  Shuta,  who  will  defend  city.  Yan- 
khamu  says  "king  gave  corn  to  Ribaddu, 
therefore  give  to  Tyre."  And  likewise  Yapa- 
addu.  King  did  not  give  corn  in  Zemar,  but 
gives  it  in  Gubla.  The  king  of  Tarizi  marched 
to  Zemar  and  Gubla ;  the  governor  has  de- 
stroyed Ebed-asherah  out  of  Amurri.  E.  had 
occupied  Tyre.  (R.P.  xviii.  67.) 


But  we  next  find  that  for  three  years  there  had  been 
no  corn,  and  Ribaddu  cannot  move  out. 

XCVIII. 

RIBADDU  to  the  king.  R.  protests  his  family  fidelity. 
But  brigands  oppress  the  land,  and  R's  people 
have  fled  to  Yarimuta.  For  three  years  no 
cultivation  ;  only  Gubla  and  two  other  places 
are  left  to  R.  Arad-asirta  has  taken  Si  gat  a, 
and  said  to  men  of  Ammiya,  ' '  Slay  your 
master,"  and  they  submitted.  R,  fears  much, 


DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

he  is  shut  up  as  a  bird  in  a  cage  in  Gubla. 
Asks  that  Aman-appa  (Amen 'em 'apt,  letter 
CII.)  shall  state  case.  (S.B.A.  xv.  351.) 


XCIX. 

RIBADDU  to  AMANAPPA.  Reports  attacks  on  city, 
corn  scarce  for  three  years.  Names  Amurri, 
Mitani,  Zumuru,  and  official  Yankhamu  who 
supplied  corn.  (B.O.D.  21.) 


C. 

RIBADDU  to   king.     R.   asks   for   troops  to  protect 
Gubla,  etc.  (B.O.D.  25.) 


Then  even  Gubla  became  insecure  for  Ribaddu. 

CI. 

RIBADDU  to  AMANAPPA.  Gubla  is  surrounded 
with  foes  ;  people  of  Ambi  stirred  by  Abd- 
ashirta  have  rebelled  ;  and  R.  is  surprised 
that  Amanappa  should  have  ordered  him  to 
Zumuru,  (B.OrB.  23.) 

Treachery  began  within  the  city. 

CII. 

RIBADDU  to  the*  king.  R.  went  to  Khamuniri 
(  =  Ammunira,  CIII.).  R.'s  brother  tries  to 
drive  rhim  from  Gubla,  and  has  guard  and 
Yanazni  with  him.  R.  has  never  seen  the 
king,  but  now  sends  his  son.  R.'s  brother 
wishes  to  give  Gubla  to.  sons  of  E bed-as hera*h, 
who  are  hostile  in  Puruzilim.  R.  begs  for 
help.  (R.P.  xviii.  70.) 


NORTH  SYRIAN  REVOLT  293 

Then  Ribaddu  flees  to  Beyrut. 

CIIL 

RIBADDU  to  king  of  Egypt.  The  men  of  Gubla  and 
R.'s  family  demanded  that  he  should  submit  to 
Arad'asirta.  R.  sent  an  account  to  the  king, 
but  no  reply  came.  Corn  ran  short :  so  R. 
fled  to  Ammunira,  governor  of  Biruta  (Beyrut), 
who  shut  him  out.  Meanwhile  R.'s  family 
fled.  (S.B.A.  xv.  362.) 

Of  Ammunira  we  learn  a  little  before  this,  in  the 
following : — 

CIV. 

AMMUNIRA  to  king  of  Egypt.     A  chief  of  Biruta  has 
Of       obeyed  the  king's  orders,  and  gone  forth  at  the 
Biruta,    head  of  his  soldiers  with  horses  and  chariots. 

(S.B.A.  xv.  366.) 

But  his  account  of  Ribaddu's  flight  seems  to  show 
that  he  gave  him  shelter. 

CV. 

AMMUNIRA  to  king  of  Egypt.  A.  will  guard  Biruta 
until  auxiliaries  come.  Ribaddu  of  Gubla  has 
taken  refuge  with  A.  R.'s  brother  is  in  Gubla, 
and  has  given  the  sons  of  R.  to  the  rebels  of 
Amuri.  (S.B.A.  xv.  368.) 

The  other  side  of  the  story  comes  from  the  rebel 
Abd'ashirta. 

CVI.  • 

ABD-ASHIRTA  to  the  king  of  Egypt.  A.  protests  his 
fidelity  in  Gubla,  and  asks  for  assistance. 
Acknowledges  receipt  of  letter,  and  sends  in 
answer  ten  women.  (B.O.D.  33.) 


296  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

After  Ribaddu  fled,  the  garrison  followed  his  example. 

CVII. 

RIBADDU  to  king  of  Egypt.  Owing  to  corn  not 
coming  from  Yarimuta,  the  garrison  rebelled 
and  left  Gubla.  R.  is  no  longer  governor, 
and  the  cities  are  ruled  by  Aziru,  leagued  with 
Abd-ashirta.  (B.O.D.  19.) 

Lastly,  Beyrut  fell,  as  Ribaddu  reports. 

CVIIL 

RIBADDU  to  AMANAPPA.  R.  asks  for  an  explana- 
tion of  the  censures  on  him.  Though  Biruna 
(Beirut)  has  fallen,  R.  supplied  soldiers  and 
chariots  to  protect  it.  (B.O.D.  25.) 

The  last  letter  from  Ribaddu  is  a  final  appeal  to  the 
king  to  act  strongly. 

CIX. 

RIB  ADDA  to  king  of  Egypt.  Reports  Abd-ashirta 
coming,  and  the  fall  of  Biruta.  Unless  the 
king  sends  chariots  and  soldiers  at  once,  all 
the  coast  from  Biruta  to  Egypt  will  fall  to 
enemy,  A  little  help  from  Egypt  will  enable 
R.  to  hold  out.  (B.O.D,  17.) 


We  now  turn  to  the  letters  concerning  Southern 
Syria,  the  principal  personages  in  which  are  not  found . 
in  the  preceding  series.  Two  or  three  times  a  link 
occurs  between  the  Northern  and  Southern  series,  and 
no  doubt  the  earlier  letters  that  here  follow  were 
written  bdbre  the  later  letters  which  we  have  already 
summarised.  The  main  due  to  the  order  in  the  follow- 


PALESTINE  REVOLT  297 

ing  letters  is  the  alliance  of  Labai  with  Ebed'tob  in  the 
Egyptian  interest  at  first,  and  his  later  union  with  the 
Syrian  party.  Many  of  the  letters  are  so  short  and 
unallusive  that  they  can  only  be  fitly  grouped  by  the 
personages. 

The  first  letter  here  has  lost  the  sender's  name  ;  from 
the  tenor  of  it,  we  can  hardly  be  wrong  in  attributing  it 
to  Ebed'tob,  especially  as  he  defends  Urushalim  (Jeru- 
salem), which  was  that  governor's  place. 

CX. 

x  to  king  of  Egypt.  ...  as  to  Urushalim,  if  the  land 
remains  to  the  king  why  is  not  Khazati  the 
capital  ?  Gimti-Kirmil  (Gimza)  is  fallen  to 
Tagi  and  men  of  Guti  (Gath).  He  is  in  Bit- 
Sani  (Beit  Shenna,  4!  S.E.  Gimzu  ?),  and  E. 
arranged  that  Lab'ai  should  give  ...  to  the 
Khabiri.  Milkilim  sent  to  Tagi  ;  and  granted 
requests  of  Kelti  (Keilah)  We  have  delivered 
Urushalim.  The  guard  left  in  it  Khapi  son  of 
Miyariya  (Hapi  son  of  Meryra).  Addalim 
(Hadad-el)  remains  in  Khazati. 

(R.P.  xvii.  73.) 

Zimrida,  the  letter  naming  whom  was  found  at 
Lachish  by  Dr.  Bliss,  appears  as  governor  of  that  city 
here.  In  the  letter  CXI.  he  is  named  as  in  the  Syrian 
interest ;  so  we  must  only  look  on  the  present  letter  as 
a  polite  blind,  like  Aziru's  letters  LXXX.  to  LXXXIV. 
Whether  this  Zimrida  is  the  same  as  Zimrida  of  Zidon, 
whom  we  last  saw  in  letter  LXXXV.  as  taking  Tyre, 
is  uncertain  ;  if  there  be  but  one  Zimrida,  this  letter 
must  come  after  No.  LXXXV.  Anyhow,  No.  CXII. 

records  his  end. 

• 

CXI. 

ZIMRIDI  to  king  of  Egypt.  Z.  the  chief  of  Lakisha 
has  received  orders  and  will  execute  them. 

(S.B,A«  xiii.  319.) 


298  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 


CXII. 

EBED-TOB  to  king  of  Egypt.  E.  protests  fidelity. 
Suta  (Suti)  the  commissioner  has  come,  and 
E.  has  given  him  21  women  and  20  men 
slaves.  There  is  war  against  Egypt  as  far  as 
mountains  of  Seri  (Surah,  on  hills  6  S.E.  of 
Gath)  and  Guti-Kirmil  (Gath).  The  Khabiri 
are  capturing  forts.  Turbazu  (Egyptian)  was 
killed  in  Zilu  (Zelah).  Zimrida  (Syrian)  of 
Lachish  is  slain.  Yaptikh-addu  (Egyptian) 
was  killed  in  Zilu.  E.  begs  for  reinforce- 
ments, the  land  being  rn  extremity. 

(R.P.  xvii.  68.) 


CXIII. 

EBED'TOB  to  king  of  Egypt.  E.  is  accused  of  revolt. 
E.  asks  the  governor  why  he  favours  the 
Khabiri,  and  often  has  reported  to  the  king 
the  attacks  on  the  land.  Asks  for  Yikhbil- 
Khama.  Ili-milki  (Elimelech)  is  destroying 
king's  land.  Khabiri  are  wasting  alf. 

(R.P.  xvii.  66.) 


CXIV. 

SUYARDATA  to  king  of  Egypt.  S.  ordered  to  attack 
Kelte.  Ebed'tob  sent  14  pieces  of  silver  to 
men  of  Kelte  to  attack  S.  Ebed'tob  took 
Kelte,  Bel'nathan  (?),  and  Hamor  (?).  Lab'api 
(Labai)  and  Ebed'tob  occupy  .  .  .  ninu. 
Docket^  repeated  refusal. 

<•  (S.B.A.  xi.  348  ;  R.P.  xvii.  77.) 

This  letter  is  the  last  naming  Labai  as  being  on  the 
Egyptian  side  j  and  the  first  to  bring  in  Suyardata, 
whom  we  frequently  find  later.  We  turn  now  to  a 
short  connected  series  which  belong  to  about  this  time. 


PALESTINE  REVOLT  399 

CXV.  (in  full,  see  p.  185). 

YATIBIRI  to  king  of  Egypt.  Yankhama  took  Yatibiri 
(Hotep-ra)  into  Egypt  when  young,  and 
Yatibiri  lived  in  the  palace.  Later  Yatibiri 
was  guarding  Azzati  (Gaza)  and  Yapu  (Joppa), 
and  always  went  with  the  auxiliaries. 

(S.B.A.  xv.  504.) 


Yankhama  appears  as  viceroy  in  the  next,  which  is 
from  the  region  of  Tiberias. 

CXVI. 

MUT-ADDA  to  YANKHAMU.  Ayab  and  king  of 
Bitilim  fled,  and  the  enemy  are  in  the  city. 
Refers  Y.  to  Bininima  and  Isuya.  Names  city 
of  Ashtarti.  The  cities  of  Udumu,  Aduri, 
Araru,  Mestu,  Magdalim,  Khinianabi,  Zarqi- 
zabtat,  Khayini  and  Ibilimma  are  hostile. 

(R.P.  xviii.  xvii.) 

CXVII. 

SHIBTI-ADDA  to  king  of  Egypt.  Acknowledges 
letter.  Yankhamu  is  faithful. 

(B.O.D.  65.) 

CXVI  1 1. 

BAYAWI  to  king  of  Egypt.  Owing  to  Yankhamu, 
rebels  have  seized  the  country. 

(B.O.D.  60.) 


This  was  the  usual  device  of  a  man  who  was  rebel- 
ling, to  accuse  the  Egyptian  party  falsely,  in  order  to 
hide  his  defection  of  attacking  them.  Beyawi,  or  Beya, 
next  appears  as  an  adversary. 


300  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 


CXIX. 

ADAD-DAYAN  to  king  of  Egypt.  There  is  war  in 
Tumur  (Tumra?  7  N.E.  Gaza).  Mankhate 
(Wady  el  Menakh,  7  S.  Gezer)  was  taken  by 
Beya.  Rianap  retook  it,  and  Ghezer  and 
Rubute.  Ransoms  are  30  of  silver  for  some 
men,  and  100  for  Beya's  men. 

(M.A.F.  vi.  299.) 

Another  translation  varies  thus  : — The  city  of  Tumur 
and  city  of  Mankhate  revolt.  Addu'kimimma 
(the  writer)  took  .  .  .  from  Beya,  and  gave  it 
to  Rianap.  Beya  of  Rubute  has  not  reported 
lately.  For  provisions  for  men  30  pieces  of 
silver  ;  for  city  of  Beya  100  pieces. 

(S.B.A.  xi.  394.) 

Rianap  (Ra*em*ap£)  was  an  Egyptian  governor,  as 
we  see  in  the  next. 


cxx. 

BUADDA  to  king  of  Egypt.  B.  guards  his  land.  B. 
was  rebuked  for  his  conduct  to  Rianappa^and 
promises  now  to  look  on  R.  as  on  the  king. 

(B.O.D.  56.) 


CXXI. 

BUADDA   of  Urza  to   king   of    Egypt.      B.    advised 
Shakhshikhashi  (?)  not  to  help  the  enemies. 

(B.O.D.  55.) 

CXXIL 

BUADDA  of  Pitazzi   to  king   of  Egypt.     Report  of 
peace,  (S.B.A.  xL  329.) 


PALESTINE  REVOLT  301 

Another  glimpse  of  Bey  a  appears. 

CXXIII. 

x  to  king  of  Egypt.  The  troops  sent  to  Tyre  were 
taken  prisoners  by  Biya  son  of  Gulati ;  now 
Biya  is  expelled  from  the  city,  and  the  city  is 
in  right  hands.  (B.O.D.  71.) 

Returning  now  to  Labai's  party. 

CXXIV. 

ADDIHTLU  to  king  of  Egypt.  Two  sons  of  Lab'ai 
have  joined  A.'s  enemy;  they  complain  that 
the  king  gave  to  Sirila'giti  a  city  that  Labai 
took.  They  have  stirred  up  men  of  Gina 
(Jamah,  7  W.  Bethel),  besides  smiting  Avanu 
(Beth  Aven,  near  Bethel)  ;  and  they  addressed 
an  Egyptian  prince  Namya'itsa.  Sons  of 
Lab'ai  say  they  war  like  their  father  when  he 
was  set  over  Sunama  (Selmeh  ?  3  E.  Joppa) 
and  Burqa  (Bene-beraq,  5  E.  Joppa)  and 
Kharabu  (El  Khurab,  n  E.  Joppa?),  and  took 
Giti-Rimuna  (Gath-rimmon,  near  Joppa,  Jos. 
xix*.45)  Messengers  of  Milkilim. 

(R.P.  xvii.  83.) 

cxxv. 

TAGI  to  king  of  Egypt.  T.  is  father-in-law  of  Milkili, 
and  asks  that  main  roads  be  still  guarded  by 
Milkili.  (B.O.D.  70.) 

This  relationship  explains  the  next  letter. 

CXXVI. 

EBED-TOB  to  king  of  Egypt.  Milkilim  joins  sons  of 
Labai  and  sons  ofArzai  to  take  the  country. 


302  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

Milkilim  joined  with  Tagi  and  took  Rubute 
(Rabbah).  Puru  (or  Pauru  =  Paari)  is  in 
Khazati  (Gaza).  Requests  that  Yikhbil- 
Khamu  be  sent.  (R.P.  xvii.  71.) 


We  now  turn  to  another  group  of  letters  concerning* 
Labai  and  Arzai,  or  Arzawiya ;  prefixing  two  which 
are  of  an  earlier  date  before  the  great  troubles,  and 
which  belong  to  the  North,  but  which  throw  light  on 
the  same  people. 

CXXVII. 

AKIZZI  to  NAP-KHUR-RIYA.  A.  is  governor  of 
Qatna ;  he  names  services  in  victualling  the 
army ;  asks  for  troops  to  be  sent  to  occupy 
country  around,  which  would  welcome  them. 
Men  of  Qatna  seized  by  Aziru  ;  asks  for  rescue 
or  ransom.  Statue  of  Shamash  taken  from 
Qatna  by  king  of  Khatti,  asks  N.  to  send 
ransom.  (B.O.D.  36.) 

CXXVIII. 

AKIZZI  to  NAP-KHUR-RIYA.  King  of  Khatti  has 
obstructed  him.  Aitugama  of  QedeSfr;  Tiu- 
yatti  governor  of  Lapana,  and  Arzauya 
governor  of  Gizzi,  are  leagued ;  but  kings  of 
Nukhashshi,  Ni,  Zinzar,  and  Kinanatare  faith- 
ful. A.  asks  for  troops  soon,  as  kings  with 
Aitugama  ^nd  Dasha  in  the  land  of  Am  are 
going  to  take  Aup.  Timasgi  is  in  the  land  of 
Aup.  (B.O.D.  37.) 

•  <..'•' 

CXXIX. 

YASHDATA  to  king  of  Egypt.  Men  of  Takh  .  .  . 
have  raided  Y*  Y.  is  allied  with  Biridiyi 
governor  of  Megiddo.  (B.O.D.  59.) 


PALESTINE  REVOLT  303 


cxxx. 

BIRIDI  to  king-  of  Egypt.  Labai  wars  against  B. 
City  of  Aveti  (or  Abitu,  CXXXIII.  Abdeh, 
15  S.  of  Tyre)  received  the  Egyptians.  Labai 
attacks  Megiddo.  B.  desires  forces. 

(R.P.  xvii.  81.) 

CXXXI. 

BIRIDI  to  king  of  Egypt.  Megiddo  is  besieged,  and 
there  are  rebels  in  the  low  country. 

(R.P.  xvii.  82.) 

Labai  failed,  it  seems,  but  succeeded  in  escaping. 

CXXXII. 

x  to  king  of  Egypt,  x  chased  Labaya,  who  was  with 
Yashdata,  but  could  not  claim  him,  as  Labaya 
had  been  taken  at  Megiddo  by  Zurata,  who 
would  have  sent  him  to  Egypt  by  ship  ;  so  x 
gave  money  to  Zurata.  to  get  hold  of  Labaya, 
but  Zurata  took  L.  to  his  house  in  Khinatuna, 
and  then  Labaya  and  Addamikhir  escaped. 
How  is  x  to  get  back  his  money  spent  for  the 
king?  (B.O.D.  72.) 

This  looks  as  if  Labai  had  been  ransomed  by  his 
friend  out  of  the  Egyptian  hands  ;  and  then  they  were 
scheming  to  make  the  Egyptians  repay  the  money. 

The  next  gives  the  last  notice  about  Namyayiza, 
named  in  CXXIV.  and  many  earlier  letters. 

CXXXIII. 

x  to  king  of  Egypt.  Names  rebels.  Biridashyi  stirred 
up  city  of  Inu-amma  (Yanuh,  7  E.  Tyre);  they 
took  chariots  in  city  of  Ashtarti  (Ashteroth, 


304  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

21  E.  Gennesaret) ;  kings  of  Buzruna  (Bozrah) 
and  Khalunni  (Golan,  'Allan)  league  with  Biri- 
dashyi  to  slay  Namyayiza,  who  refuged  m 
Timasgi,  and,  being  attacked  by  Arzauya, 
declared  himself  Egyptian.  Arzauya  went  to 
Gizza  (Gish,  22  S.E.  Tyre)  and  toolr  Shaddu  ; 
Itakkama  of  Qedesh  ravaged  Gizza,  and 
Arzauya  and  Biridashyi  wasted  Abitu  (Abdeh, 
15  S.  Tyre) ;  x  will  guard  the  city  of  Kumidi. 

(B.O.D.  43.) 

We  now  continue  the  history  of  the  attacks  by  Labai 
and  Milkili  on  the  region  nearest  to  Egypt. 

CXXXIV. 

EBED-TOB  to  king  of  Egypt.  Gezer,  Asqaluna,  and 
La(chish)  have  given  supplies.  Urgent  need 
of  troops.  E.  occupies  Urushalim.  Milkilim 
and  Labai  have  given  country  to  the  Khabiri. 
As  to  the  Kasi  (Babylonians?),  let  the  king 
ask  the  commissioner  how  strong  the  temple 
is.  Pauru  (Pa-ari)  will  come  to  Urushalim  to 
deliver  Adai.  E.  has  made  roads  in  the  plain 
and  hills.  Consider  Ayaluna  (Ajalon)  E.  not 
able  to  make  road.  (R.P.  xvii.  74.) 


Gezer,  however,  was  in  difficulties  before  the  end,  as 
we  read  from  the  unlucky  governor. 

cxxxv. 

YAPAKHI  of  GAZRI  to  the  king  of  Egypt.     Acknow- 
ledges letter,  and  asks  for  support  in  Gezer. 

(B.O.D.  49.) 

CXXXVI. 

YAPAKHI  to  king  of  Egypt.     Acknowledges  letter  ;  a 
raid  of  the  Sute.  (B-O.D.  5*0 


PALESTINE  REVOLT  305 

CXXXVII. 

YAPAKHI  to  king  of  Egypt.  Y.'s  younger  brother 
has  joined  the  rebels  in  Mu(ru  ?)khazi,  Y. 
asks  for  instructions.  (B.O.D.  50.) 

Labai  sends  in  his  version  of  affairs. 

CXXXVIII. 

LABAI  to  king  of  Egypt.     The  king's  soldiers  behaved 
.   as  enemies.  (B.O.D.  61.) 

CXXXIX. 

LAB'AI  to  king  of  Egypt.  Excuses  attack  on  Gazri 
(Gezer)  because  the  people  had  taken  property 
of  L.  and  Milkilim.  The  king  sent  to  Bin' 
sumya.  (R.P.  xvii.  78.) 

Milkili  we  see  to  have  been  in  the  service  of  Egypt 
by  the  following  : — 

CXL. 

MILKILI  to  king  of  Egypt.  Acknowledges  letter, 
asks  for  troops.  (B.O.D.  63.) 

CXLI. 

MILKILI  to  king  of  Egypt.  M.  announces  bringing 
a  despatch.  (S.B.A.  xi,  371.) 

CXLII.  * 

MILKILIM  to  king  of  Egypt.  M.  and  Suyardata 
have  enemies;  asks  for  forces  to  protect  themj 
desires  that  Yankhama  be  questioned. 

(R*P.  xvii.  80.) 

n — 20 


3o6  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

Suyardata    was    another    of    the    Egyptian    allies 
originally. 

CXLIII. 

SHUARDATA  to  king  of  Egypt.  S.  is  carrying  out 
orders.  (B.O.D.  69.) 

CXLIV. 

SHUARDATA  to  king  of  Egypt.  S.  has  sent  all  his 
soldiers  to  the  Egyptian  army,  and  also  girls 
and  a  dragoman  to  the  king.  (B.O.D.  67.) 


CXLV. 

MILKILI  to  king  of  Egypt.     M.  receives  orders,  and 
has  obeyed  them.  (S.B.A.  xiii.  325.) 


CXLVI. 

MILKILI  to  king  of  Egypt.  The  enemy  has  come 
against  him  and  Suyardata. 

(S.B.A.  xiii.  326.) 

CXLVII.  ^ 

MILKILI  to  king  of  Egypt.  Yankhamu  has  carried 
off  M.'s  wives  and  children.  Desires  chariots 
and  soldiers  to  protect  them.  (B.O.D.  62.) 


The  last  letter  oY  Ebed'tob  shows  that  even  the  South 
was  lost. 

CXLVI  II. 

EBED-TOB  to  king  of  Egypt.  Milkilim  and  Suar- 
datum  join  forces  of  Gazri  (Gezer),  Gimti 
(Gimzo),  and  Qilti"  (Keilah),  and  occupied 
Rubute  (Rabbah).  Land  gone  over  (?)  to 


PALESTINE  REVOLT  307 

Khabiri.      King-  still   has  Urushalim,  city  of 
the  temple  of  Uras,  whose  name  is  Shalim. 

(R.P.  xvii.  72.) 


One  letter  remains  from  a  hopeless  queen,  who 
evidently  belonged  to  the  South. 

CXLIX. 

URASMU  ...  or  NIN'UR-ZIKARI  to  king  of  Egypt. 
The  country  is  exposed  to  the  khabbati  (plun- 
derers or  Bedawin),  who  have  sent  to  Ayaluna 
(Ajalon)  and  Zarkha  (Zorah)  .  .  ,  two  sons  of 
Milkilim.  The  sender  is  queen  of  Zapuna. 

This  completes  the  letters  containing  allusions  which 
enable  them  to  be  connected  with  others.  Other  letters 
may  here  be  mentioned  in  order  to  complete  the  cata- 
logue. All  with  names  are  addressed  to  the  king  of 
Egypt. 

CL.  Abdi-ashtati.     Acknowledges  letter.    (6.0.0.34.) 
CLI.  Amakizi  names  theking's  house  before 

city  of  As(or  Dil)nate In 

3rd  year  A. 's  father  did  ....          (S.B.A.  xi.  385.) 
CLII.  Dagantakala.      Father    and    grand- 
father obeyed  the  king.  (S.  B.  A.  xiii.  327. ) 
CLI II.  Dagantakala,  asks  for  help.                   (B.O.D.  74.) 
CLIV.  Dasru.     Report  of  peace.                       (S.B.A.  xi.  327.) 
CLV.  Dashru.     Acknowledges  letter.            (6.0.0.75.) 
CLVI.  Gesdinna.     Report.  (S.B.A.  x.  496.) 
CLVII.  Khumyapiza  (?  Namyapiza,  letters  50, 
82,   125,   134).     Reports  his  arrival 
with  his  troops.                                     (S.B.A.  xi.  333.) 
CLVIII.  Nampipi  or  Khuzam.     Report.             (S.B.A.  x.  493.) 
CLIX.  Pidas  of  Oilbarlugil  ?    Report.             (S.B.A.  x.  491.) 
CLX.  Zidri'ara.     Acknowledges  letter,  a*d 

performs  orders.  (B.O.D.  76.) 

CLXI.  Zinarpi.     Report.  (S.B.A.  x.  499.) 

GLXII.  From.*.     Names  city  of  Biduna.          (S.B.A.  x.  498.) 
CLXIII.  From  x  of  Gubbu,  who  sent  soldiers  to 

the  king's  army.  (B.O.D.  78.) 

CLXIV.  Fragment  naming  Sid(?)nina  a  king.    (S.B.A.  x.  517.) 


3o8  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

CLXV.  x  to  Nabkhurriya.     x  conferred  with 

Mimmuriya  ....     14     pieces     of 

crystal   of   the   mountain  ....    4 

papyri.  (S.B.A.  xi.  383.) 

CLXVI.  From  x.     refers  to  Napkhurriya  and 

Mimmuriya.  (M.A.F.  vi.  311.) 

CLXVII.  From  x.     Acknowledges  orders,  and 

sends  tribute.  (B,O.D.  81.) 

CLXVIII.  From  x.    Received  200  pieces  of  silver 

(obscure).  (S.B.A.  xi.  375.) 

CLXIX.  From^r.  Complaint  of  army  exactions. (S.B.A.  xi.  369.) 
CLXX.  From  x  to  y,     x  is  accused,  and  asks 
y  to  refer  his  case  to  the  king  for 
trial. 

CLXXI.  From  x.     A  fragment. 
CLXXII.  From  x.     Broken  ;  the  burden  of  each 
sentence  is  "  The  king  my  Lord  my 
sun  god,"  like  Ps.  cxxxvi.  (S.B.A.  xi.  364.) 

CLXXIII.  Mythological    text    about    a    plague 

demon.  (S.B.A.  xi.  386.) 

Fragments  of  dictionaries  and  letters.  (P.A.  36.) 


(B.O.D.  79.) 
(S.B.A.  xi.  372.) 


FORMS  OF  EGYPTIAN  NAMES. 


Amanappa         Amen  'em  'apt  55,  58,  96, 
98,  99,  101,  108 
Amankhatbi       Amen'hotep                  73 
Amantna             Amen'mery              55,  67 
Ammunira          Amen'ra?              103-105 
Dudu                  Tutu  (tomb  8  T.  A.)    50, 
52,  54»  81 
Khamasi             Kha'em'uas             n,  12 
(tomb  Memphis) 
Khapi                  Hapi                              no 
Khaip                    „                                 88 
Khayapa                „                                 95 
Khaya                    „                                   66 
Khatib                Hotep  52,  71,  81,  83,  84, 
90 
Khuri  =  Nap  'khu  *riya                                3 
Manakhbina      Men'kheper'ra  '            86 
Manakhbiya       Men'kheperu'ra             28 
Miya'riya           Meryra                       no 
(tomb  4  T.  A.) 
Nab'khur'riya   Nefefkheperu'ra       127, 
128,  165 
Nap-khuTiya                 „<                      166 

Nap'khura'riya  Nefer'kheperu'ra  9,  etc. 
Nap'khuru'riya            ,,                    12,  47 
Nip'khurri'riya             ,,                          17 
Mim'mur'iya      Neb'maafra    9,  12,  165, 

Nim'mur'iya                 ,,                    5,  etc. 
Nimufriya                    ,,           ^.^           i 
Nip'mua'riya                ,,                      4,  13 
Pakhanati          Pa'kha'en'ta  (?)            94 
Pakhamnata                 ,,                          93 
Puru                   Pa'ari                    126,  134 
(tomb  Thebes) 
Rianappa           (Amen)  Ta'en  'apt  119,  120 
^             (     Suta(tomb  19  T.  A.) 
Suta     1            -j                          18.46,  tia 
V           (or  Suti  (tomb  15  T.A.) 
Shuta  I                                                    97 
Shuti  J                                                     18 
Teie                   Tyi                      9,  10,  n 
Yankhamu         (?)  69-71,  97,  99,  115-118, 
J42»  *47 
Yatibiri              Hotep'ra                     115 

(The  references  given  to  tombs  at  Tell  el  Amarna, 
etc.,  are  to  illustrate  the  names  at  this  period,  but  are 
not  necessarily  of  the  identical  persons.) 


INDEX  OF  PERSONS 


309 


INDEX  OF  PERSONS. 

(For  Egyptian  kings  see  previous  list.) 

Abanappa 

Assur'yu'ballidh     27 

Iddin'adda              89 

(v.  Amanappa) 

Ayab                       116 

Ugi                           75 

Abbikha                   74 

Aziru    50-54,  67,  70, 

Ilumilku     -     79,  113 

Abdashirta      56,  58, 

71,78-86,88,90-92, 

Ilurabikhur             92 

59,   64-66,    69-72, 

107,  127 

Irsappa                      i 

78,85,89,94,96-98, 
101-103,  106,   107, 

Balgarib                  73 
Balumme                  47 

Irtaba                        14 
Isuyaor  Yishuya  116 

109,  150  (?) 

Bayawi  )                118 

Itagama     (v.     Aitu- 

Abdi-milki              89 

Beya       j        119,  123 

gama) 

Abdirama                89 

Bikhura             88,  89 

Itamagapapiri        79 

Abdisullim                76 

Bilti'ilu                      40 

Kallimmasin           13, 

Abi'milki,  or 

Binaddu                   40 

14,  15 

Abisharri         75,  78, 

Binana                      40 

Karaindash              16 

79,  85,  87,  89 

Binili                          40 

Khabi                        85 

Adad'dayan          119 

Bininima                 1  16 

Khaip                       88 

Adad'puya               40 

Binsumya               139 

Khamasi            11,  12 

Adai                        134 

Binzicldi                   40 

Khamu'niri            102 

Addalim  ...        no 

Biri                     71,  93 

Khanni  )     7,  12,  35, 

Addamikhir           1  32 

Biridi  or  Biridashyi 

Khanya  j           62,  90 

Addu  'itlu                1  24 

129-131,  133 

Khapi                     no 

Addu'kinumma     119 

Bitil                           90 

Khatib  52,  71,  81,  83 

Addu'nirar              28 

Buadda           120-122 

84,90 

Aduna                       91 

Bubri                         10 

Khaya  (v.  Khaip)  66 

Aitugama               41, 

Burnaburyash        16, 

Khayapa                 95 

91,  128,  133 
Akhidhabu              47 

*7»  18,47 
Da          )                  , 

Khumyapiza          157 
Khuzam  ?              158 

Akiya                       30 

Dasarti  \                 6* 

Kistunizizanni         13 

Akizzi             137,  138 

Dagantakala 

Kurigalzu                 17 

Amakizi                  151 

152>  J53 

Labai      "\     no,  114, 

Amanappa       55,  58, 

Dasha                    128 

124,  126, 

96,  98,  99,  101, 

Dashru           154,  155 

Labapi     V    130,  132, 

1  08 

Dudu    50,  52,  54,  81 

1     134,  138, 

Amankhatibi           73 

Dushratta           4-12 

Labaya  J     139 

Amanma            55,  67 

Ebed'asherah 

Liya                          62 

Ammunira      103-105 

(v.  Abdashirta) 

Mada                        62 

Amurhadad             40 

Ebed'ip                    40 

Mani           5,  6,  7,  10 

Anati                        40 

Ebed'tob     no,  112- 

Mania                       62 

Arad'ashirta 

114,  126,  134,  148 

Melekh'mi  ...        70 

(v.  Abdashirta) 

Edugama   (v.    Aitu- 

jjVlilkilim               no,' 

Artama'shamas      39 

gama)  41 

124-126,  134,  139- 

Artash'shumra         4 

Gesdinna                156 

142,  145-149 

Artatama                 1  1 

Gilukhipa                  4 

Mi}rariya               no 

Arzai                      1  26 

Gilya          5,  6,  9,  1  1 

Mutadda                1  16 

Arzauya         128,  133 
Assurnadin'akhi   27 

Gulati                     123 
H.  see  A. 

Nakharamassi     6,  7 
Nampipi  ?             150 

DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 


Namyapiza  )  45,  46, 
or          [79,124, 
Namyaitza  )  133 
Nimmakhi  62 

Nin'ur'zikari         149 
Nisag  1 1 

Pakhamnata     93,  94 
Pakhura  57 

Palasa  91 

Paluma  62 

Pauru  (v.  Puru)    134 
Pidas  159 

Pirizzi  10 

Pirkhi  4 

Pisiari  62 

Puru  126 

Rabimur 

(v.  Rib'addu)  91 

Rianappa      119,  120 

Ribaddu  55-6i» 

64-72,  88,  89,  95- 

103,  105,  107-109 

Salmasalla  68 

Saratum  (v.  Zurata) 

47 

Sarru  (Saratum  ?)  62 
Shakhshikhashi  (?) 


Shatiyi  34 

Shibtiadda  117 

Shumandi  35-38 
Shuta  97 

Sidnina  ?  164 

Sindisugab  16 

Sitatama  1 1 

Suilagiti  1 24 

Sukharti  14 

Sumadda  47~49 

Suta  1 8,  464  112 

Sutarna  5,  n,  29 
Sutatna  (v,  Zatadna) 
Suyardata  1 14, 

142-144,  146,  148 
Suyarzana  73 

Tadukhipa    8,  9,  10, 

II,    12 

Tagi  no,  125,  126 
Tarkhundaras  i 
Tarkumiya  70 

Teie  9,  10,  11 

Tiuyati  128 

Tunipipri  *  4 
Turbazu  112 

Tuya  62 

Umeatu  10 

Urasmu  .  .  .          149 


Yama  43 

Yanazni  102 

Yankhama       69-7 1 , 

97»  99»n5-:J  18, 142, 

147 

Yapa'addu      55,  64, 
67,  69-71,  97 
Yapakhi  135 

Yaptikh-addu  112 
Yashdata  129,  132 
Yatibiri  115 

Yidya  31-33 

Yikhbil'khama 

113,  126 

\  ishuya  or  Isuya  1 16 
Yivana  56 

Yum  9 

Zakara  13 

Zatadna  44,  46,  47 
Zi  .  .  .  an  2 

Zidriara  160 

Zimrida  in  Zidon  64, 
77;79»  85  J   >n  La- 
chish  in,  112 
Zinarpi  161 

Zirdamyasda  46 
Zitana(s;.  Zatadna)  40 
Zurata  47,  132 


INDEX  OF  PLACES  AND  TRIBES. 


Abdeh(is  S.  Tyre)  130,  133 
Toran?(io  W.Tiberias)  116 
Akka  44,  46,  47 

Acbzib  (8  N.  Akka)         58 
N.  Syrian  coast    20-26,  67 
I  mm  (21  £.  Antioch)      40, 
91,  128 
101,  95,  72,  68 

6,  98 

Upper  Orontes  50,  51,  58, 
62,  64,  66,  67,  71,  94,  96, 
97,  99,  105 

Artusi  (9  N^S.  Tripoli)" 
68,  91 

Arvad,  Ruad  66,85 

i 

Ashteroth  (29  E.  Tiberias) 

116,  «33 

151 

Askelon  33,  134 


Abitu 

Aduri 

Akku 

Akzabu 

Alasiya 

Am 

Ambi 

Ammi  or  Ammiya  (E.  of  Simyra) 

59,  9t,  92, 
Amurra 


Aram 
Ardata 

Arvada 
Arzawa 
Ashtarti 

Asnate 

Asqaluna 

Aup 


Avanu 

Aveti 

Ayaluna 

Azzati 

Barrabarti 

Belnatban  (?) 

Bicluna 

Biruta 

Bitilim 
Bitsani 


Aven,      Haiyan 

Bethel) 
(7;.  Abitu) 
Ayalon 
Gaza?  Azotus? 


S.E. 

124 
130 


"5 
59 
ii4 

162 

Beyrut         66,  67,  103-105, 
108,  109 

Betbel  ?  116 

Beit  Shenna<4 S.E.  Gimzo) 
no 

Bene  baraq  (5  E.  Joppa)  124 
Bozrah  133 

Danian  (13  S.  Tyre)         79 
159 


Burqa 

Buzruna 

Danuna 

Dilbarlugil? 

Gagaya 

Gatum 

Gazri 

Ghezer 

Gilu  73 

Gimti       Gimzu  (14  S.E.  Joppa)  no,  148 


INDEX  OF  PLACES 


Gina               Jamah  (7  W.  Bethel)     124 

Murukhazi  ?                                          137 

Gitirimuna     Gathrimmon                    124 
Gizza              Giscala,  Gish  (22  S.  E.  Tyre) 

Musikhuni                                                29 
Nariba            Nerab  (2  E.  Aleppo)        91 

128,  133 

Ni,  Nina        (  E.  of  Aleppo)  8,  86,  92,  128 

Gubbu            Gapa?(i2  S.  W.  Hamah)  163 
Gubla             Gibla  (i  4  S.  Laodicea)    57, 

Nukhassi       (around  Aleppo)        28,  40, 
52-54,  81-84,  90,  128 

59,  62,  67,  91-93,  96-981 

Pitazzi                                                   122 

100-1031  105-107 

Puruzilim                                                102 

Guti-kirmil     Gath       '                  no,  112 

Qatna             Katma?  (23  W.N.W. 

Hamor(?)                                                114 

Aleppo)                        127 

Ibilimma        Ibleam                            116 

Qideshu          Qedesh  (22  S.  E.  Tyre) 

Igaid                                                         i 
Inuamma        Yanuh  (7  E.  Tyre)         133 
Irqata             Arkas  (14  E.N.  E.  Tripoli) 

79,  ja8,  133 
Qidsa              Qadisha  (Tripoli)             62 
Qelte               Keilah              no,  1x4,  148 

63-64,  91 

Rubute           Rabbath    (6    N.E.     Beit 

Kannishat                                               17 

Gibrin)          119,  126,  148 

Karduniyas    (Babylonia)                  13-18 
Kasi                (Babylonians)  68,  69,  72,  134 

Rukhizi 
Samkhuna      Semekhonitis  (Mcrom)    48 

Kelte              (v.  Qelte) 

Sankhar                                                    22 

Khabiri           Hebronites      no,  112,  113, 

Sawa  ...                                                71 

134,  148 

Serdani           Shardana                    57,  59 

Khalebu          Aleppo                                 6 

Seri                 Surah  (6  S.E.  Gath)       112 

Khalunni        Golan                    <           133 

Shaddu                                                    133 

Khanigabbior)    (E.  Cappadocia)    6,  13, 
Khani  rabbatu  I        27 

Shanku           Shakku  (10  S.  W.  Tripoli)  63 
Sigata             Tell  Saukat(i6  S.  Laodicea) 

Kharabu         El  Khurab  ?  (n  E.  Joppa) 

68,  72,  95,  98 

124 
Khatti             Hittites     i,  2,  3,  4,  40,  41, 

Sunama          Selmeh?(3  E.  Joppa)     224 
Suti  =  Satiu    Bedawin  27,  45,  57,  89,  136 

69,  70,  79-84,  86,  90,  91 

Takh  ...                                                 129 

127,  128 

Tambuliya     Zambul  (22  E.  Tripoli)    67 

Khayini                                               116 

Tarkusi                                                     70 

Khazati           Gaza,  Azotus  ?         110.126 

Timasgi          Damascus                128,  133 

Khazi              Tell     Kussis     (8      N.W. 

Tisa  ...                                                  61 

Megiddo)                      73 

Tsumura         (v  .  Zumuri) 

Khazur           Hazor(i3S.E.  Tyre)  75,  76 
Khinatuna      Kanatha                    47,  132 

Tsurri           Tyre  56,  59,  60,  85,  87,  97,  123 
Tumur            Tumrah?(7  N.JK.  Gaza)  119 

Khinianabi                                             116 

Tunip              Tennib    (18     N.    Aleppo) 

Kideshu         (v.  Qideshu) 

82-84,  86,  90 

Kinanat                                                    128 

Tusulti           Teiasir?(nN.E.Shechem) 

Kinanna         Canaanite                         79 

73 

Kinakhkhi             „                            47,  62 

Uduma           Adamah    (5    W.S.W.    Ti- 

Kunakhau           ,,                                 17 

berias)                         116 

Kinza              Hanezi  (43  W.  Aintab)    41 
Kukbi                                                       74 

Ugaritu                                          13,  60,  79 
Ullaza                                      68,  71,  gc,  94 

Kumidi                                  69,  88,  89,  133 

Urushalim      Jerusalem         no,  134,  148 

Lakisha           Lachish            in,  112,  134 

Urza               Yerza  ?  (i  i  N.  E.  Shechem) 

Lapana           Elbin  (20  W.S.W.  Aleppo)? 

X2X 

128 

Usteru  ...                                               73 

Lukki             Lykians                            26 

Uzu                Hosah  (6  S.  Tyre)      75,  85 

Lupakku                                                   40 

Yapu               Joppa                               115 

Magdali         Magdalim                         73 

Yarimuta             50,  67,  69-71,  97,  98,  107 

Magdalim       Magdala   (3  N.   Tiberias) 

Yibliya                                                   68 

74,  116 

Zapuna                                                    149 

Makhzi  .  .  ti                                              73 

Zarak                                                        70 

Mankhate      Wady  Menakh  (7  S.  Gezer) 
119 

Zarkha           Zorah(tx  W.Jerusalem)  149 
Zarqizabtat     Kaphar   Sabti  (7  W.  Ti- 

Martu             (v.  Amurra)           61,  82,  84 

*berias)                          116 

Megiddi          Megiddo             46,  129-132 
Melukhkha                                       56,  71 

Ziduna            Zidon6z,66,  67>75»77~79>®5 
Zilu                 Zelah  (N.  Jerusalem)     112 

Mestu             Mushtah  (14  W.  Tiberias) 

Zinzar            Shinshar(ii  S.  Horns)  128 

116 

Ziribasani       Bashan                              39 

Mitanni          (E.  of  Karkemish)  4-12,  68, 
69,  72,  99 

Zumuri        )  Simyra     53,  56,  50,  61,  64, 
or            >•     65,  67-72,  80  (fallsX  85, 

Mitana*nanu=  Mitanni                        70 

Zemar         )      86,  88,  90-97,  99,  xoi 

3i2  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

NOTES  ON  THE  IDENTIFICATIONS  OF  PLACES. 
Heb.  Hebrew ;  Gr.  Greek ;  Italics,  modern  names. 

Most  of  the  proposed  identifications  of  names  with 
sites  in  the  foregoing:  index  are  based  strictJy  on 
geographical  indications.  The  sense  of  each  narrative 
letter  was  followed  as  closely  as  possible  ;  and,  after 
the  positions  were  marked,  all  the  letters  were  read  over, 
using  the  map  as  a  scheme  of  positions,  and  tracing 
the  relations  indicated,  to  make  certain  that  no  diffi- 
culties were  involved  in  the  proposed  arrangement. 
Far  more  reliance  is  placed  on  position  than  on  any 
exact  details  of  transliteration,  though  none  of  the 
forms  here  suggested  are  unlikely  modifications.  That 
the  transliterations  were  not  strictly  philological,  is 
proved  by  the  variable  forms  of  the  same  name.  I  here 
make  notes  on  such  names  as  need  observation  ;  many 
are  commonly  agreed  on,  and  many  others  cannot  be 
identified  at  present. 

ABITU  was  apparently  near  Tyre,  being  named  with 
Gizza.  Abdeh  is  in  a  likely  region  for  this. 

ADURI  was  in  the  Tiberias  region,  in  which  Toran 
lies  ;  this  is  not  satisfactory,  but  is  the  nearest  -modern 
name, 

ALASIYA  is  entirely  a  coast  region,  the  Egyptian  Alosa, 
for  all  the  references  are  to  commerce  and  shipping, 
and  nothing  is  said  about  the  surrounding  peoples, 
who  were  cut  off  by  the  Pierian  mountains.  The 
north  end  of  the  Syrian  coast  agrees  with  all  the 
indications,  but  Cyprus  has  lately  been  suggested. 

AM  is  a  district  in  the  north.  It  was  taken  by  the 
Khatti,  and  lay  north  of  Tyre  and  Damascus.  Imm, 
Gr.  Imma,  is  the  main  city  of  a  populous  region,  21 
m.  E.  of  Antioch  and  within  reach  of  the  Khatti.  Kinza 
also,  in  the  far  north,  attacked  Am. 

AMMIYA  is  a  district  which  is  not  the  same  as  Am,  as 
both  occur  separately  in  one  letter.  It  is  placed  be- 


GEOGRAPHICAL  POSITIONS  313 

tween  Irqata  and  Ardata,  and  was  not  very  far  from 
Sigata.  There  is  no  indication  of  the  name  in  later 
sources. 

AMURRA  were  a  people  whom  Aziru  and  Abd'ashirta 
ruled  over,  before  beginning  to  conquer  Syria.  In 
some  tablets  this  region  is  named  as  Martu,  a  variant 
form  of  the  name.  Reports  on  Amurri  are  sent  from 
Zumuri.  The  Amurri  attack  Gubla  early  in  the  war  ; 
they  drove  a  refugee  to  Qidsa  (Tripoli),  and  took  Gubla. 
All  this  limits  them  to  the  hinterland  of  Gubla  and 
Zumuri.  If,  as  seems  likely,  these  people  are  the  same 
as  the  Amar,  conquered  by  the  Egyptians  in  the  XlXth 
and  XXth  dynasty,  it  would  seem  that  they  were 
pushed  down  Syria  by  the  advancing  Khita. 

ARDATA  is  apparently  not  the  same  as  Arvada  ;  and 
from  its  linking  between  Irqata  and  Zumuri  (94)  it  is 
probably  the  neighbouring  port  of  Orthosia  (Gr.), 
ArlusL 

ASHTARTI  was  over  the  Jordan,  by  its  link  with 
Bozrah  and  Damascus.  Probably  it  is  Ashteroth 
(Heb.),  Ashtarah\  or  else  the  neighbouring  city  of 
Ashteroth-Karnaim. 

AVANU,  Heb.  Beth-aven.  This  is  not  Bethel,  for 
Ai  was  beside  Beth-aven  on  the  east  of  Bethel  (Jos. 
vii.  2).  Aven,  Avanu,  can  hardly  be  other  than 
Haiyan,  2  m.  E.S.E.  of  Bethel. 

Azz ATI  is  usually  considered-- Khazati,  and  both  the 
same  as  Ghuzsteh,  Gaza.  It  would  be  tempting  to 
suppose  some  confusion  between  Gaza  or  Azzah  (Heb.) 
and  Ashdod  or  Azotus.  Khazati  being  stated  as  west 
of  Gimti,  and  being  taken  by  the  Gimtites,  would  point 
rather  to  Azotus  than  to  Gaza. 

BITSANI  is  linked  with  Guti  and  Gimti,  apparently 
close  to  the  latter.  This  points  to  its  being  Beit 
Shennct)  4^  S.E.  of  Gtmsu.  ^ 

BURQA  is  doubtless  Benebarak,  being  linked  with 
Giti-rimuna. 

BUZRUNA  is  Bozrah,  as  the  king  joins  a  party  at 
Ashtarti  to  chase  a  fugitive  to  Damascus. 

DANUNA  is  near  Tyre,  as  Abisharri  sends  news  of  it 


3H  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

While  he  was  besieged.  It  is  clearly  Danian^  Heb. 
Danyaan,  the  natural  stronghold  on  the  top  of  Ras 
Nakura  (the  Hor-Nakura  of  the  Egyptians),  which  is 
the  southern  boundary  of  view  from  Tyre,  16  m. 
distant. 

GIMTI  is  usually  rendered  as  Gath  ;  but  as  in  one 
letter  the  men  of  Guti,  Gath,  are  said  to  have  taken 
Gimti,  the  two  names  must  refer  to  two  places. 
Immediately  after  taking  Gimti  they  were  in  Bitsani ; 
and  the  close  relation  of  Gimzo  and  Beit  Shenna 
(4^  m.  apart)  points  to  these  being  the  places  in 
question. 

GINA  is  near  Avanu,  and  therefore  is  Janiah,  7  m.  W. 
of  Bethel. 

GITIRIMUNA  is  Gathrimmon  (Heb.)  which  was  close 
to  Joppa  (Jos.  xix.  45). 

GIZZA  was  near  Tyre,  and  was  raided  along  with 
Abitu,  apparently  by  the  party  returning  from  Bashan. 
This  points  to  its  being  Gish,  Gr.  Giscala,  22  S.E.  of 
Tyre. 

GUBBU  may  be  Tell  Gapa>  12  S.W.  of  Hamah^  but  is 
probably  a  misreading  for  Gubla. 

GUBLA.  This  most  important  place  has  always  been 
supposed  to  be  Gebal,  Gebaily  Gr.  By  bios.  There  is, 
however,  another  coast  city,  with  a  name  slightly; closer 
to  Gubla,  namely,  Gabula  (Gr.),  Giblehy  14  T§.  of 
Laodicea,  The  question  between  these  two  sites  is 
fixed  in  letter  xcviii.,  where  Ribaddu  has  lost  Sigata 
and  was  then  shut  up  "  like  a  bird  in  a  cage,"  showing 
that  Sigata  was  close  to  Gubla.  Within  two  miles 
of  Gabula  is  the  outlying  fort  Tell  Saukat,  which  is 
manifestly  Sigata,  and  thus  fixes  Gubla  to  the  northern 
site, 

GUTI  has  always  been  assigned  to  Gath,  to  which  all 
indications  ag*r%3. 

INU'AMMA  is  the  Egyptian  Ynuamu  (or  Yanu  of  the 
Amu,  Syrians),  which  is  almost  certainly  Yanuh,  Heb. 
Yanoah,  7  m.  E.  of  Tyre. 

IBILIMMA,  named  at  the  end  of  the  Galilean  towns, 
must  be  Ibleam  (Heb.). 


GEOGRAPHICAL  POSITIONS  315 

IRQATA  near  Zumuri  is  plainly  Arkas,  Gr.  Arke,  14 
E.N.E.  ofTripolis. 

KHABIRI  means  only  "the  confederates/'  They  were 
in  Judea  and  pressed  from  the  hills  down  into  the 
plain  ;  the  name  points  therefore  to  Hebron,  though,  of 
course,  the  confederates  may  not  have  already  settled 
at  Kiriath-arba  so  early.  Hebron  was  so  named  be- 
tween the  time  of  Abraham's  visit  and  the  Exodus. 

KHALUNNI  was  near  Ashtarti  and  Buzruna.  This 
brings  it  to  Golan ;  and  though  Khalunni  would 
normally  form  Holan  ('Alem),  yet  as  there  is  some 
variation  in  what  seems  to  be  the  forms  of  this  name, 
Golan  for  the  city  and  region,  and  'Alldn  for  the  river 
traversing  it,  Khalunni  may  well  represent  the  original 
name,  which  has  been  modified  to  Golan  and  'Alldn  by 
later  peoples. 

KHATTI  are  doubtless  the  same  as  the  Khita  of  the 
Egyptians,  the  Hittites.  They  occupied  at  this  time 
the  mountains,  were  leagued  with  Kinza,  were  above 
Nukhasse  and  Tunip,  were  in  Nukhasse  and  went  on  to 
Tunip  and  Martu,  and  were  allied  with  Nariba.  All 
this  points  to  their  being  beyond  all  the  other  peoples 
named,  and  gradually  pushing  southward. 

KHAZI  is  Khazay  of  the  Thothmes  lists,  fixed  by  that 
at  Tell  el  Kussis,  9  N.  W.  of  Megiddo. 

KINZA,  which  was  leagued  with  the  Khatti  in  attack- 
ing the  northern  district  of  Am,  is  probably  Haneziy 
43  W.  of  Aintab. 

KHINATUNA  was  on  the  road  from  Karduniyas  in 
Babylonia  to  Egypt.  It  must  be  on  the  east  side  of 
Syria,  therefore.  Messengers  were  there  attacked  by 
chiefs  of  Samkhuna  and  Akku,  which  shows  that  it  was 
about  Bashan.  It  agrees,  therefore,  with  Kanatha 
(Gr.),  Kanawat)  which  is  sufficiently  near  the  cunei- 
form. « 

KINANNA,  Kinakhi,  Kunakhau,  are  forms  of  the 
well-known  Canaanite.  Amurra  was  in  Kinakhi,  and  it 
included  Daiiuna  and  Kanatha.  All  this  points  to  a 
large  region,  from  the  upper  Orontes  down  to  the 
Jordan,  and  from  the  coast  across  to  Bashan. 


3i6  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

LAPANA,  near  the  land  of  Am,  is  probably  Elbin,  20 
W.S.W.  Aleppo. 

LUKKI  are  a  people  who  professed  alliance  with  the 
maritime  Alasiyans  in  the  extreme  north  coast,  and 
were  repudiated  as  being  objectionable.  This  leaves 
no  doubt  that  they  are  the  Luka  or  Lykians,  who  appear 
as  sea-rovers  during*  the  next  two  dynasties. 

MANKHATE  was  in  the  region  of  Gazri  and  Rubute  ; 
the  Wady  Menakh  between  these  places  (7  m.  S.  of 
Gezer)  preserves  the  name. 

MARTU  was  the  home  of  Aziru,  otherwise  called 
Amurri.  It  is  named  next  to  Nukhasse  and  Tunip  ;  and 
after  the  Khatti  were  in  Nukhasse,  they  went  into 
Martu,  and  ravaged  Tunip.  So  it  must  be  close  to 
Tunip  and  between  Nukhasse  and  Gubla ;  the  same 
region  that  we  reach  by  the  limitations  of  Amurri. 
This  region  (marked  on  map)  contains  a  series  of  place- 
names  in  Mart  ;  Marata  (two),  Martaban,  Mardib,  and 
Mardina. 

MISHTU  is  in  the  Tiberias  group,  and  is  doubtless 
Mushtahy  14  W.  of  Tiberias. 

NARIBA  is  mentioned  with  the  Khatti,  and  is  probably 
JVerab,  2  m.  E.  of  Aleppo.  As  a  king  of  Nariba  is 
named,  while  the  important  site  of  Aleppo  does  not 
appear  in  all  the  war,  it  seems  likely  that  Nerab  may 
be  the  earlier  site.  "*" 

Ni  is  fairly  fixed  by  Egyptian  inscriptions  to  about 
the  S.W.  corner  of  the  Euphrates,  opposite  to  Aleppo. 
Nina  is  probably  the  same  name. 

NUKHASSI  was  an  important  kingdom  ;  the  king  was 
appointed  by  Tahutjnes  III.;  it  was  early  in  touch  with 
Aziru  of  Amurri ;  liable  to  invasion  from  the  Khatti ; 
lay  between  the  Khatti  and  Tunip  and  Martu  ;  is  named 
before  Ni  and  Zinzar  ;  and  the  people  joined  Aziru  in 
taking  Zumur.  r,  This  shows  that  it  lay  E.  and  N.  of 
Tunip  and  Martu,  and  extended  to  the  Amurri.  It 
cannot,  therefore,  be  Anaugas  named  by  Egyptians 
near  Tyre. 

QATNA  was  in  the  north,  raided  by  the  Khatti.  It 
may  therefore  be  Katma>  23  W.N.W,  of  Aleppo. 


GEOGRAPHICAL  POSITIONS  317 

QIDESHU  is  named  by  Abisharri  of  Tyre  as  fighting* 
against  Namyapiza,  who  fled  from  Bashan  to  Damascus. 
Qedesh  (Heb.),  Qades>  near  Lake  Merom,  22  S.E.  of 
Tyre,  agrees  closely  to  these  condition. 

QIDSA,  another  of  the  many  holy  cities,  was  a  refuge 
from  the  Amurri,  and  is  referred  to  from  Zidon  when 
writing  about  Gubla.  The  name  has  been  preserved  in 
the  Nahr  Qadisha^  which  points  to  Tripoli  having  been 
a  Qedesh  before  its  Greek  name  was  imposed. 

RUBUTE,  from  its  linking  with  Gazri,  Gimti,  and 
Qelte,  is  the  Rabbah,  6  N.E.  of  Beit  Gibrin. 

SAMKHUNA  was  allied  with  Akku  ;  and  the  name  is 
exactly  preserved  in  Semekhonitis  or  Samokhonitis,  a 
Greek  name  for  Lake  Merom.  Evidently  a  city  Samo- 
khon  was  on  that  water,  and  the  name  lingers  in 
the  Wady  Samakh^  which  flows  into  the  east  of  the 
lake. 

SERDANI  appear  as  a  people  in  the  Egyptian  interest ; 
probably,  therefore,  the  Shardana  mercenaries  from  the 
Mediterranean,  who  later  formed  the  bodyguard  of 
Ramessu  II. 

SERI  was  on  the  hills  east  of  Guti ;  this  is  probably 
Surah)  on  the  ridge,  6  S.E.  of  Gath  ;  or  possibly  Surah, 
Heb.  Zorah,  on  the  hills,  10  N.E.  of  Gath,  which, 
however,  appears  here  otherwise  as  Zarkha. 

SHANKU,  near  Irqata,  is  perhaps  Shakku^  10  S.W.  of 
Tripolis. 

SIGATA,  close  to  Gubla,  is  Tell  Saukat,  2  S.  of 
Gibleh. 

SUNAMA  was  close  to  Joppa,  and  is  probably  Selmeh, 
3  E.  of  Joppa ;  just  as  Shunem  has  become  Sulem. 

TAMBULIYA  (or  TUBULIYA  elsewhere)  was  near  Zumur,' 
and  was  attacked  by  Aziru.  It  agrees  closely  to  Zambul^ 
22  E.  of  Tripolis. 

TUMUR  was  near  Mankhate,  Gazr^,  and  Rubute ; 
probably  Tumrah^  7  N.E.  of  Gaza. 

TUNIP  agrees  in  all  respects  to  the  modern  Tennib^ 
18  N.  of  Aleppo, 

YARIMUTA  was  certainly  on  the  coast,  and  therefore 
not  Yarmuth  (Heb.).  The  site  is  unidentified. 


3i8  DECLINE  OF  EGYPT  IN  SYRIA 

ZARKHA  linked  with  Ayaluna  is  doubtless  Zorah 
(Heb.),  Surah)  n  W.  of  Jerusalem. 

ZARQISABTAT  is  a  compound  name  ;  as  it  belongs 
to  the  Tiberias  group,  it  is  probably  Kefr  Sabt>  Gn 
Kaphar  Sabti,  7  W.  of  Tiberias. 

ZILU  is  probably  Zelah  (Heb.),  an  unknown  site  N. 
of  Jerusalem. 

ZINZAR,  between  Ni  and  Kinanat,  agrees  in  position 
and  name  to  Shmshar,  10  S.  of  Horns. 


GEOGRAPHICAL  POSITIONS 


3'9 


TT  I 


SYRIA. 

UNDER       * 

AMENHOTEP  f 


FIG,  i6a,— Syria  under  Amenhotep  IV. 


320  SYRIAN  GEOGRAPHY 


THE  GEOGRAPHY  OF  THE  SYRIAN 
CAMPAIGNS. 

THE  long*  list  of  the  names  of  conquered  places  given 
by  the  monuments  of  Tahutmes  III.,  Ramessu  III., 
and  Sheshenq,  beside  various  lesser  records,  have  been 
studied  by  several  authorities.  The  first  impulse  under 
Mariette  and  Brugsch  was  to  care  little  for  geographical 
relation,  and  to  adopt  forcible  changes  and  inversions 
in  the  spelling,  if  a  resemblance  to  well-known  and 
important  names  could  be  thus  produced.  Their  main 
principle  was  the  presumed  importance  of  the  sites 
named.  Maspero  gave  much  more  weight  to  the  geo- 
graphical order,  and  refused  arbitrary  alterations  in  the 
names.  Conder  proposed  many  new  and  probable 
identifications.  Tomkins  endeavoured  to  make  more 
complete  identifications  of  sites  throughout,  placing 
more  reliance  on  similarity  of  name  than  on  position. 
Max  Mutter  was  far  more  critical  on  the  exact  phonetic 
equivalence,  but  did  not  much  use  the  geographical 
positions.  As  these  writers  came  to  very  different 
results  in  some  parts,  it  is  desirable  to  re-examine  the 
matter  afresh  with  Jtheir  various  conclusions  before  us. 

The  first  consideration  is,  from  what  materials  these 
lists  have  been  compiled,  and  what  lies  behind  the 
monumental  series  of  names.  That  the  Egyptians  had 
regular  maps  from  which  an  artist  would  read  off  the 
places  in  order,  is  very  unlikely,  when  we  see  the  rude- 
ness of  the  portions  of  maps  which  have  been  preserved 
to  us.  It  would  rather  be  from  the  papyrus  records  or 
cuneiform  correspondence  of  the  campaigns  that  the 
lists  would  have  been  compiled.  These  records  would 


UNDER  TAHUTMES  III  321 

recite  the .  main  course  of  the  army,  and  the  various 
lesser  expeditions  for  plunder  or  punishment  in  thi© 
remoter  parts  of  the  country.  Hence  we  should  not 
expect  to  find  an  unbroken  series  of  names,  threaded 
in  the  neatest  order  ;  but  rather  a  series  of  short  lists, 
two  or  three  of  which  might  often  radiate  from  one 
centre,  and  which  might  double  back  or  cross  one 
another.  In  treating  the  whole  long  list,  then,  we 
ought  to  find  groups  of  several  connected  names  ;  but 
we  should  be  prepared  for  sudden  breaks  from  one 
region  to  another,  where  one  list  ends  and  another 
begins. 

The  equivalence  of  the  Egyptian  names  with  those 
found  in  Hebrew  or  in  modern  Arabic  is  a  very  difficult 
question,  from  its  vagueness  and  the  many  uncer- 
tainties of  it.  No  doubt,  in  carefully  transcribed  and 
carefully  preserved  names,  a  ^thorough  system  of  equi- 
valence between  hieroglyphs  and  the  Semitic  alphabet 
can  be  rigidly  traced.  But  the  fact  of  such  a  precise 
system  existing  must  not  lead  us  to  ignore  the  many 
other  sources  of  variation  and  change  that  affect  the 
question.  It  is  as  well  to  specify  these  causes  of  differ- 
ence, as  they  have  not  all  been  noticed. 

(1)  Original  mutability  of  the  name  often  exists.     In 
the  present  day  there  is  the  hard  and  the  soft  gim  side 
by  side  ;  the  g  or  the  hiatus  for  'am,  also  together  ; 
the  perversion  of  gim  into  shin  (as  in  wug)9  and  of  k 
into  soft  ch  (chef  or  chelb),  inversions  of  syllables  (as 
in  beta  and  tebd,  and  even  in  place-names),  and  other 
variations,  which  are  often  enough  to  make  two  equally 
correct  ways  of  writing  a  name  appear  very  different. 

(2)  The  errors  of  scribes  in  hearing  and  transcribing 
must  certainly  have  affected  the  names.     When  we  see 
the  mistakes  of  Englishmen  in  writing  foreign  names  of 
a  new  country,  or,  still  more,  the  wild  mistakes  of  the 
Norman  scribes  of  Domesday  Book  ?n  writing"  Saxon 
names,  although  they  were  living  in  the  place  for  their 
business,  and   used   almost   the   same   alphabet,    how 
much  more  in  hasty  military  reports,  drawn  up  in  a 
totally  different  system  of  writing,  may  we  credit  the 

II 21 


32*  SYRIAN  GEOGRAPHY 

scribes  with  making  strange  errors.  The  variability 
of  spelling  of  some  often  -  recurring  words — as  in 
the  Sheshenq  list — shows  how  little  precision  was 
sought. 

(3)  Our  other  versions  of  the  names  may  often  be 
altered  from  what  they  were  in  Egyptian  days.  The 
aboriginal  forms  have  probably  undergone  some  altera- 
tion in  passing  from  Amorite  into  Hebrew  or  Arabic, 
How  many  different  races  were  in  the  land  at  the 
Egyptian  invasions  we  do  not  know,  but  their  language, 
if  Semitic,  was  certainly  neither  the  Hebrew  nor  Arabic, 
through  which  we  have  the  names  preserved. 
1  (4)  Corruption  of  names  by  sheer  wear — as  Woking- 
ham  to  Oakingham,  or  Brighthelmstone  to  Brighton,  or 
Alexandria  to  Skandria — is  a  frequent  change  ;  and 
corruption  by  making  sense  of  a  name  whose  origin  is 
forgotten  is  even  commoner,  as  in  Kentish  Town, 
Leatherhead,  Pepperharrow,  Leghorn,  the  Campidoglio, 
or  Hierosolyma. 

Considering,  then,  the  chances  of  alteration  in  names, 
we  should  give  the  more  weight  to  the  clue  that  we 
have  in  the  sequence  in  the  lists,  and  trust  to  that  if 
any  passable  form  of  the  name  can  be  found  in  the 
correct  order  of  place.  The  principle  of  tracing  a 
Hebrew  root-meaning  for  the  Egyptian  form  l^strict 
equivalence,  and  then  requiring  that  Semitic  root  in 
the  modern  name,  is  excellent  in  theory ;  but  as,  in 
practice,  two  or  three  entirely  different  roots  are  often 
proposed  for  one  Egyptian  form,  this  shows  how  little 
real  certainty  there  is  in  such  a  process,  and  how 
readily  fictitious  results  may  be  gained.  This  system, 
moreover,  ignores  the  sources  of  error  (2),  (3),  and  (4), 
which  we  have  just  noticed. 

In  determining  the  line  of  route  of  the  lists,  but  little 
weight  can  be  given  to  the  presence  or  absence  of 
common  topographical  terms,  such  as  Am,  a  spring ; 
Mejdely  a  tower;  Shuweikeh^  thorny  place;  Neqb,  a 
valley  ;  Gennein  or  Ganat,  gardens  ;  Abel  or  Aubela^  a 
meadow;  Hagarim^  apparently  stone- walled  fields/ etc* 
Such  names  may  easily  vanish  from  their  ancient  places, 


UNDER  TAHUTMES  III  323 

or  be  introduced,  according  as  specific  names  or  descrip- 
tive generalities  are  more  in  use. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  consider  the  list  of  Tahutmes 
III.  of  119  places  in  the  Upper  Ruten  country,  or  Pales- 
tine. Three  versions  of  this  exist  on  his  monuments, 
and  have  been  published  (M.K.  17-21).  In  these  trans- 
literations G  is  used  for  the  basket  k>  and  F  for  the 
square  /,  as  such  is  the  constant  usage  in  the  forms  of 
the  Semitic  names  in  this  list.  Where  our  present 
conclusion  differs  from  that  of  previous  writers,  it  is 
marked  *.  Egyptian  names  are  in  capitals,  and  modern 
Arabic  in  italics.  Positions  are  indicated  by  the  dis- 
tance and  bearing  from  well-known  places  or  the  last- 
named  site. 


1.  QEDSHU,  named  first,  as  being  the  most  important  con- 

quest, KadaSy  near  Lake  Horns  on  the  Orontes. 

2.  MAGETY,  Megiddo,  el  Lejjun,  19  miles  S.E.  of  Haifa. 

3.  KHAZAY,  TellelKussis,*9N.W.ofLej;un. 

4.  KITSUNA,  Kuddasuna  in  cuneiform,   Tell  Keisan*  13  N. 

of  Kussis. 

5.  'AN  SHIU,  now  plural  Ayun  Shain*  16  S.E.  of  Keisan,  3  E. 

of  Nazareth. 

6.  DEBKHU,Tubikhucun.,  Tabghah?  i6N.E.  of  Ayun  Shain, 

on   N.W.   of  Sea  of  Galilee.      Or  Jebel  Tubakat,    17 
N.N.E.  of  Ayun  Shain. 

7.  BEM'AY,  possibly  Baneh,  10  W.  of  Tubakat. 

8.  KAM ATA,  perhaps  Kama,  8  E.  of  Nazareth. 

9.  TUTYNA,  Umm  Tuteh  ?  17  N.E.  of  Akka. 

10.  LEBBANA,  Lebbuna,  13  N.N.E.  of  Akka. 

11.  QERET'NEZENA,  Kureiyeh  ?  8  E.  of  Umm  Tuteh. 

12.  MARMA,  Lake  Merom,  or  Marunt  4  E.S.E.  of  Kureiyeh. 

.This  circuit  of  places  northwards  through  Galilee  is 
evidently  connected,  and  is  perhaps  continued  south- 
ward in  20-27,  tne  Damascus  road  (13-19)  having  been 
inserted  at  the  most  northern  part. 

13.  TAMESQU,  Dimeshq>  Damascus. 

14.  ATARU,  Daraya,*  5  S.W.  of  Damascus. 

15.  AUBIL,  AbXkf-MtyAMt  14  N.W.  of  Damascus. 


SWfW  DM 

SOUTHERN  SYRIA 

NAMED*  CAMPAIGNS 
TAHUTMES  III 

WITH  ROUTE  CONNECT* 


FIG.  163.— Map  of  Southern  Syria. 


SYRIAN  GEOGRAPHY  UNDER  TAHUTMES  III      325 

16.  HEMTU,  not  found  on  this  road,  but  perhaps  brought  in  by 

confusion  of  the  other  E.  Jordan  road  of  Hamath  to 
Abila. 

17.  AQIDU,  'Ain  Yakut?  pass  on  the  Lebanon,  20  S.S.E.  of 

Beirut. 

18.  SHEM'ANAU,  Beshamun*  7  S.  of  Beirut. 

19.  BAARUTU,  Beirut* 

This  line  is  the  best  road  from  Damascus  to  Beirut 
for  slow  transit  or  a  large  body,  as  it  is  better  watered 
than  the  modern  road  on  a  ridge.  These  places  are  on 
the  direct  line  of  this  old  road. 


20.  MAZNA,  Madiny  Madon,  5  W.  of  Tiberias. 

21.  SARUNA,  Sarona,  6  S.W.  of  Tiberias. 

22.  TUBY,  Tubdun*  and  well,  12  S.W.  of  Sarona, 

23.  BAZNA,  Bessum  ?  i  N.  of  Sarona. 

24.  A'ASHNA,  EshShuni*  joS.E.  of  Sarona, 

25.  MASAKH,  Mes-hah,  3  S.W.  of  Sarona. 

26.  QAANAU,  waters  of  Qana  by  Megiddo  in  campaigpi. 

27.  A'ARUNA,  Aaruna  in  campaign,  Ararah  ?  7  S.W.  of  Lejjun. 

This  group  brings  us  from  group  2-12  back  to 
Megiddo,  from  which  we "  started.  There  seems  to 
have  been  a  garrison  at  Sarona  making  sorties  in 
various  directions,  which  form  the  group  20-25.  The 
site  of  Megiddo  at  el  Lejjun  or  Tell  el  Mutasellimy  and 
not  at  el  Mujedda,  is  proved  by  the  campaign,  and  the 
relation  there  to  Taanakh. 


28.  ASTARTU,  Tell  Ashterah,  Ashteroth  Karnaim,  21   E.  of 

Sea  of  Galilee. 

29.  ANAU-REFAA,  Rafah,  Raphon,  9  N.E.  of  Ashterah. 

30.  MAQATA,  Migdad*  4  N.  of  Rafah. 

31.  LI  US  A,  Laish,  Dan,  Tell  el  Kady^  n  N.  of  Merom. 

32.  HUZAR,  Khazura  cun.,  Hadireh>  6  W.  of  Merom. 


33.  FAHEL,  Pella,  Fahil,  18  S.  of  Sea  of  Galilee, 


34.  GENNARTU,  Khinneroth,  about  Tiberias. 

35.  SHEMANA,  Sebana*  3  W.  of  Magdala. 

36.  ATMEM,  Admah,  5  S.  of  Sea  of  Galilee. 

37.  QASUNA,  Qishion*  of  Issachar,  about  the  head  of  river 

Kishon. 

38.  SHENAMA,  Shunem,  Solam,  7  S.  of  Nazareth. 


326  SYRIAN  GEOGRAPHY 

39.  MASHAL,  Meseliehy  15  S.  of  Shunem. 

40.  AKSEF,  tAfMk,*-g  S.S.W.  of  Jeba. 

41.  GEB'A-SU'AN,  Geba,/*fo,  6  S.W.  of  Meselieh, 

42.  TAANAK,  72»*«*,  4  S.E.  of  Megiddo. 


43.  YEBLAMU,  Ibleam,  Yeblat*  17  E.  of  Megiddo. 

44.  GENTU'ASNA,  En  Gannim,  Jenin,  11  S.E.  of  Megiddo. 

"  The  Gardens  of  Asnah  "  (a  man's  name  ;  Ezra  ii.  50). 

45.  RETA-'AREKA,  'Arrakeh,  6  W.  of 'Jenin. 

46.  A'AYNA,  Anin,  3  N.W.  ofArrakeh. 


47.  A'AAG,  'Atfeh,  7  S.  of  Arrakeh. 

48.  RUSH'QEDESH,  "The  holy  hill"  =  any  hill  sanctuary; 

possibly  Kudeis  on  hill  of  Shechem. 

49.  GELIYMNA,/*/0*t£A,  9E.S.E.  ofMe^iddo. 

50.  BAR,  Bireh*  13  E.N.E.  ofjelameh. 

51.  SHEMASH-ATUMA,  Shemsin,  6  N.  of  Sire Ji. 

52.  ANUKHERTU,  Anaharath,  m  Naurah,  9  S.W. 

53.  'AFEL,  elFuleh,  5  W.  of  ^»  Naurah. 

54.  'AFEL,  el'AJvleh,  i  W.  of  el  Fuleh,  7  E.  of  Megiddo. 


55.  KHASHBU,  Khasabu  cun,,  el  Kusdb,  5  W.  of  Megiddo. 


56.  TASURET,  Tusulticun.,  Taasur,  now  7V^/r,  n  N.E,  of 

Shechem. 

57.  NEGEBU,  "a  pass"  in  the  hills,   Wady  Beidan*  ?  N.  of 

Shechem. 

58.  ASHU'SHEKHEN,  "Plain  of  Shekhem."*    Ashedah,  the 

plain  below  hills,  or  place  of  streaming  out,  woukLbe  a 
root  familiar  to  Egyptians  as  Ash,  effusion,  and  there- 
fore shortened  to  Ashu. 

59.  LENAMA,  en  Nahm,  13  N.  of  Shechem. 

60.  YERZA,  Yersteh,  11  N.E.  of  Shechem. 


This  group,  28-61,  begins  by  crossing  the  Jordan 
into  Bashan,  28-30 ; .thence  striking  N.W.  round  the 
head  of  the  Jordan,  31 ;  from  32  a  branch  expedition 
goes  down  the  east  of  Jordan  to  Pella,  while  the  main 
line  goes  south  through  Samaria  to  40,  and  returns  to 
Meg-iddo  (41-42)^  Another  expedition  from  Megiddo 
goes  out  east  to  43,  and  back  by  a  south  circuit,  44,  45, 
46.  Then  another  expedition  goes  south  to  47,  and 
perhaps  even  to  Shechem,  48 ;  then  up  north  to  49  and 
on  to  50,  returning  by  52,  53,  54  to  Megiddo.  Khashbu 
(55)  seems  to  be  an  isolated  foray.  Then  another 


UNDER  TAHUTMES  III 


327 


expedition  strikes  out  to  Shechem  and  the  eastern 
region,  56-60.  The  manner  in  which  the  line  of  these 
names  recurs  to  the  Megiddo  region  shows  that  though 
that  city  is  not  named  (having  appeared  before),  it  was 
the  garrison  centre  of  these  several  raids,  the  records 
of  which  are  strung  together  to  form  the  list.  Leaving 
Megiddo,  the  next  itinerary  is  southward. 

$i.  MAAKHASA,  el  Maghazun,  14  N.E.  of  Joppa. 

62.  YEFU,  Yafa,  Joppa. 

63.  GENTU,  "  gardens  "of  Joppa. 

64.  RUTHEN,  LUTHEN,  has  been  proposed  at  Ludd,  n  S.E. 

of  Joppa. 

65.  AUANAU,  Aunu,  Heb.  Ana,  7  E.S.E.  of  Joppa. 

66.  AFUQEN,  PeqiAin,  between  Yabneh  and  Ludd,  Talmud. 

67.  SAUQA,  "thorny  place,"  a  common  name, 

68.  YEHEMA.      There  were    mentioned   probably  two,   and 

there  now  are  three  places  of  this  name  ;  as  it  is  a  very 
important  key  position,  it  must  be  cleared  up.  It 
occurs  here  between  Joppa  and  Migdol ;  but  in  the 
Tahutmes  III.  campaign  (p.  104)  it  is  certainly  near 
Megiddo,  and  just  at  the  required  place  on  the  road  is 
the  name  Yemma,  17  S.S.W.  of  Megiddo,  before  enter- 
ing the  hills.  Therefore  we  can  equate  .  • .  YEHEMA 
=  Yemma,  17  S.S.W.  of  Megiddo,  and  Yemma,  6  S.S.W. 
of  Tiberias = Jabneel ;  .  • .  Jabneel,  Jamnia,  or  Ye&na&9* 
13  S.  of  Joppa  =  YEHEMA. 

These  equivalents  prove  that  Yehema  has  changed 
into  Yemma,  Yebma,  Yebna,  Yamnia,  and  Yabniel. 
And  the  position  of  Jamnia  is  exactly  in  the  right  place 
to  agree  with  the  list, 

69.  KHABAZANA,  a  compound  name  by  its  length,  Butani* 

8S.  of  Jamnia. 

70.  GENTHU,  «  gardens,"  by  Migdal. 

71.  MAGTAL,  Migdal,  Mejdel,  13  N.N.E.  of  Gaza. 

72.  AFTHEN,  Fatuneh,  15  N.E.  of  Migdal. 

73.  SHEBTUNA,  Shebtin,  9  E.  of  Ludd.  % 

74.  TAY,  Atya*  ?  19  E.N.E.  of  Shebtin. 

75.  NAUN,  Naaneh,  7  E.  of  Jamnia. 

76.  HUDITA,  Haditheh,  3  E.  of  Ludd. 

77.  HAR,  "a  hill." 

78.  YESHEFAR,  es  Suajir,  7  E.N.E.  of  Migdal,  Shaphir, 


328  SYRIAN  GEOGRAPHY 

79.  LEGAZA,    "unto  Gaza."*     The   position  next  to  Gerar 

shows  the  name  to  be  about  this  region,  and  Gaza  is 
properly  written  in  this  manner.  The  particle  let 
"unto, "has  been  accidentally  retained  in  transcribing 
from  the  bulletin,  or  from  a  road  list,  like  the  Antonine 
itinerary  prefix  of  Ad. 

80.  GERURU,  Gerar,  Jerrar,  6  S.  of  Gaza. 

Si.  HARAR,  Abu  Hareireh*  7  S.  of  Gerar,  up  large  valley. 

In  these  groups,  61-81,  we  have  the  circuits  about 
Migdal,  like  the  previous  expeditions  around  Megiddo. 
First  is  the  line  down  from  Megiddo  to  Migdal,  61-71. 
Then  an  expedition  north-east  into  Dan,  or  perhaps 
Ephraim,  returning  by  nearly  the  same  line,  72-78.  It 
must  be  remembered  that  often  an  isolated  site  of  small 
importance  may  occur  (such  as  Atya,  74)  far  ahead  of  an 
expedition,  when  a  body  of  the  enemy  were  chased  and 
at  last  caught  in  some  small  village,  the  action  and  the  • 
capture  of  which  gave  it  a  place  in  the  annals.  The 
record  of  Chalgrove  and  Quatre  Bras  has  no  relation  to 
their  size.  Objection  has  been  made  to  78  being  es 
Suafir,  on  the  ground  that  it  would  be  more  closely 
rendered  Yusef-El,  a  place  of  the  god  Yusef.  If  so,  it 
has  been  proposed  that  it  be  Yasuf>  23  N.  of  Jerusalem, 
and  in  that  case  the  itinerary  ends  out  in  Ephraim 
without  a  return  line  to  Migdal.  The  next  itinerary, 
79-81,  is,  however,  from  Migdal,  through  Gaza  to 
Gerar,  and  on  up  the  important  Wady  esh  Sheriah  to 
Hareireh,  81. 

82.  REBBAU,  Rabbah,  Rubba,  23  E.  of  Migdal. 

83.  NUMANA,   Deir  Naman,   9  N.W.    of  Rubba,    12   E.   of 

Ashdod. 

84.  NAMANA,  Arak  Naman,  i  N.  of  Deir  Naman. 

85.  MALEMAM,  Urn m  el  Hemam,  i  S.  of  Deir  Naman. 

86.  'ANI,  'Ana,  3  N.  of  Arak  Naman. 
REHEBU,  erRohban*  5  E.N.E.  of  Ana. 
~       ti,  4  E. 


AQAR,  Agir,  Ekron,  4  E.  of  Jamnia. 


89.  HAYGERYM,  'Am  el  ffejeri,  4  S.  W.  of  Hebron. 

90.  AUBAL,  " a  meadow." 

91.  AUTAR-A'A,  Autar  the  Great,  Adoraim,  Adora,  Dura,  « 

W.S.W.  of  Hebron. 

92.  AUBAL,  "a  meadow," 


UNDER  TAHUTMES  III  339 

93.  GENTHAU,  "gardens." 

94.  MAQEREFUT,   Maqor    (Heb.),   Majur,    "reservoir,"   of 

Rafatf  10  S.S.W.  of  Hebron.     (Majur  appears  in  this 
district  5  W.S.W.  of  Hebron.) 

95.  A'AYNA,  "  a  spring." 

96.  QAREMAN,  Carmel,  Kurmul*  7  S.  of  Hebron. 

97.  BATYA,  supposed  to  be  Beth  Yah.     Hebron  *  is  in  the 

right  position  in  the  series,  and  an  altar  of  Yahveh  was 
there  in  early  times  :  so  Batya  may  be  Hebron. 

98.  TAFUN,  Taphon,  Tuffuh,  5  W.N.W.  of  Hebron. 

99.  AUBIL,  "a  meadow." 

100.  YERUTA,/«?«Kfctf,*  4  E.N.E.  of  Hebron  (for  Y  changing 

to  J,  see  Yotapata  =  Jefat). 

101.  HALKAL,  Halhul*  2  N.  of  Hebron. 

These  two  itineraries  may  well  belong  to  the  expedi- 
tion which  we  last  saw  coming1  round  from  Migdal  up 
the  Wady  esh  Sheriah  eastward  ;  a  party  on  such  a 
line  might  well  divide,  and  while,  one  half  pushed 
through  by  Rabbah  to  Ekron,  82-88,  the  rest  might 
scour  the  hill  country  ridge  in  the  sites  89-101. 

102.  Y'AQEBAAL,  Ikbala?  6  W.  of  Jerusalem.     ' 

103.  QAFUTA,  Kefrata*?  3  E.N.E.  of  Gezer. 

104.  QAZIRU,  Gezer,  y<?#«r,  16  S.E.  of  Joppa. 

105.  REBBATU,  "  a  chief  city." 

106-7.  MAQELTU    A'AMQU,    Wady   el   Miktely*    7    E.    of 
Gezer. 

108.  SARUTA,  Sim,*  E.  side  of  Wady  el  Miktely. 

109.  BAARUTU,  Beeroth,  Bireh*  10  E.  of  Sim. 

no.  BAT'SHAR,  Beth-sura,  Beit  Sur*  4  N.  of  Hebron. 

in.  BAT-ANTA,    Beth-anoth,    Beit    Ainun,    3    N.N.E.    of 

Hebron. 
U2.  KHALQETU,  Kilkis*  2  S.S.W.  of  Hebron. 

113.  'AN-QENA,  'AinelQana,  i  N.W.  of  Hebron. 

114.  QEB'AU,  Jibia,    16   N.N.W.    of  Jerusalem   (or  Jeb&*  7 

N.N.W.  ofShechem). 

115.  ZERER,  Jerir*   13  N.N.E.  of  Jerusalem  (or  Jerrar*  8 

S.S.W,  ofMegiddo. 

116.  ZAFTA,  Suffah*  I  N.W.   of  Jibia  (<*  Zebdah*  4  S.  of 

Jerrar). 

117.  BERQENA,   Berukin*  6  N.W.    of  Jibia-  (or  Burkin,  9 


BERQENA,   Berukin*  6  N.W.    of  „ 

S.S. E,  of  Megiddo). 
HUMA,  ffamid*?  4  N.E.  of  Gimzo. 


1 1 8. 

119.  AGTAMES  .  .  or  AGMES  .  .  Gimzo,  Jimxtu*?  15  S.E. 

of  Joppa. 


33° 


SYRIAN  GEOGRAPHY 


FIG.  164. -Map  of  Northern  Syria. 


UNDER  TAHUTMES  HI  331 

These  three  lists  may  perhaps  be  only  two,  the 
section  110-113  having  been  inserted  in  the  middle; 
for  Jibia,  114,  is  only  7  miles  N.N.W.  of  Bireh,  109. 
Hence  there  may  be  one  line  from  near  Jerusalem 
going"  west  to  Gezer,  then  turning  back  and  going 
north  to  Bireh,  109 ;  Jibia,  1 14 ;  and  on  to  Berukin, 
117,  whence  it  turns  back  to  Jimzu,  119,  on  the  return 
to  the  centre  at  Migdal.  If  this  be  so,  the  Zafta,  116, 
cannot  be  the  Zefta  of  the  annals,  which  was  near 
Megiddo  ;  or,  if  the  latter  be  adopted,  some  of  the  other 
names,  114-117,  may  be  reasonably  grouped  in  the 
same  region,  as  entered  above  in  parentheses.  The 
group  of  four  names,  110-113,  is  well  established  by 
the  close  relation  of  these  places.  This  section  has 
probably  been  transposed  with  102-109  J  as>  if  reversed, 
the  Hebron  group  continues  naturally  from  101,  Halhul, 
to  no,  Beit  Sur  close  by  ;  while  109  joins  to  114,  as  we 
have  noticed. 

The  general  scheme  of  the  original  documents  which 
were  drawn  upon  to  form  this  long  list,  appears  to 
have  been  as  follows  : — 

2  to  12.  From  Megiddo  northward  about  Galilee. 
13  to  19.  Damascus-Bey  rut  road  inserted  at  the  most  northern 

part. 

20  to  27.  Return  route  from  12  south  to  Megiddo. 
28  to  42.  Across  Jordan  and  back  round  the  north  to  Megiddo. 
43  to  46.  From    Megiddo   to    east    and    south,    and    back    to 

Megiddo. 
47  to  54.  From    Megiddo   to    south    and    east,    and    back    to 

Megiddo. 

56  to  60.  From  Megiddo  round  Shechem  region. 
61  to  71.  From  Megiddo  to  Migdal. 

72  to  78.  From  Migdal  to  north-east,  and  back  to  Migdal. 
79  to  81.  From  Migdal  to  south  and  east  into  hills. 
82  to  88.  Part  of  army  from  hills  across  to  Ekron. 
89  to  101,  110-113.  Rest  of  army  around  the  Hebron  ridge. 
102  to  109,  114-119.  Up  to  Jerusalem    region,    working  west, 

then  north  and  east,  and  ba&c  to  coast  region, 

return  to  Migdal  (?). 

Such  seems  to  be  the  structure  of  these  lists  when 
examined  in  the  obvious  light  of  their  being  edited 
from  a  series  of  military  reports.  Their  relative  order 


332       SYRIAN  GEOGRAPHY  UNDER  TAHUTMES  III 

may  not  necessarily  be  the  order  in  the  history  ;  but  it 
would  be  very  reasonable  to  take  it  as  such,  knowing1 
that  Megiddo  was  the  first  centre  of  operations,  and 
seeing  that  Migdal,  on  the  road  to  Egypt,  might 
well  be  the  centre  of  later  operations  in  the  south 
country. 

The  lists  of  places  in  Northern  Syria  are  far  less 
certain,  as  our  knowledge  of  the  country  is  so  poor. 
Some  connections  may  be  traced  with  more  or  less 
probability,  and  they  are  indicated  by  the  map,  though 
tliey  scarcely  need  to  be  here  discussed. 


THE  SEVENTEENTH  DYNASTY  333 


RELATIONSHIPS  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH 
DYNASTY. 

FOR  the  obscure  period  of  the  rise  of  the  Egyptian 
power  against  the  Hyksos  oppression,  we  have  but 
little  material  to  guide  us.  Few  names  remain,  and 
the  order  and  relationship  of  those  is  very  uncertain. 
Two  tombs  at  Thebes  of  officials  (sedem  ash  em  ast 
maat)  attached  to  the  service  of  the  royal  tombs, 
provide  the  best  information  we  have  ;  though,  as  the 
rows  of  figures  of  kings  and  princes  whom  they  adored 
is  not  professedly  in  chronological  order,  and  as  they 
lived  four  or  five  centuries  after  those  kings,  the 
material  is  not  satisfactory.  We  may  first  notice  the 
structure  of  these  tomb  lists.  Both  tombs  have  an 
upper  and  a  lower  row  of  seated  figures,  each  one  with 
a  cartouche,  adored  by  the  official.  Anhur'khau 
(L.D.  iii.  2d),  in  the  upper  line,  records  Amenhotep  I.  ; 
behind  that  king  is  his  father  and  father's  mother 
(Aahmes  and  Aah'hotep) ;  and  then  his  brothers  and 
sisters  (Meryt'amen,  Sat 'amen,  Sa*amen,  Kames, 
Hent'ta'meh,  all  known  as  such),  Turs  and  Aahmes, 
probably  also  sisters,  and  Sa'pa'iri,  his  brother.  In 
the  lower  line  are  the  founders  of  dynasties,  Nefertari 
of  the  XVIIIth,  Ramessu  I.  of  the  XlXth,  Mentuhotep 
III.  of  the  legitimate  part  of  the  Xlth  dynasty;  then 
Amenhotep  I.,  Seqenenra,  Uazmes,  Ramessu  IV.  (the 
reigning  king)  (blank),  and  Tahutmes  II.  Thus  the 
order  has  no  obvious  meaning  in  the  latter  part.  In 
the  other  tomb,  Kha-bekht  (L.  D,  iii.  2  a)  records  in  the 
upper  line  Amenhotep  L,  next  his  mother  (Nefertari), 
and  then,  presumably,  her  father  and  mother  (Seqenenra 


334  ROYAL  FAMILY  OF 

and  Aah'hotep),  after  whom  come  a  row  of  Amen- 
hotep's  brothers  and  sisters.  In  the  lower  line  come 
the  two  founders,  Mentuhotep  III.  and  Aahmes ;  next, 
Se*khent*neb'ra  and  Uaz'kheperra  ;  and  then  a  line  of 
princes  and  royal  wives,  who  are  probably  the  brothers 
and  sisters  of  those  who  precede  them. 

Such  a  general  structure  of  these  lists  is  closely  in 
accord  with  that  of  the  lists  on  family  tablets  ;  first  the 
parents,  then  grandparents  and  ancestors,  and  then  a 
row  of  brothers  and  sisters  or  children.  Not  a  single 
known  fact  of  relationships  in  this  dynasty  disagrees 
with  this  presumed  system  here ;  and  therefore,  in 
some  cases  where  we  know  nothing  about  the  relation 
of  the  persons  named,  we  may  accept  this  scheme  as  a 
probable  clue.  The  results  indicated  to  us  by  this  view 
of  the  lists  are  (*feminine)  : — 

PARENTS  OF  BROTHERS  AND  SISTERS  CHILDREN  OF 

NEFKRTARI.  OF  AAHMES  AAHMES. 

Se'qenetiYa  g>/  Uaz*kheper*ra  Amenhotep  I. 

*  Aah'hotep.  c  -j  S'khehf  neb'ra  *Meryf  amen 

52  [Aalrmes  *Safamen 
Bin'pu  Sa'amen 

Uaz'mes  *Ka'mes 
Ra'mes  (or  Sat'ka'nviS) 

Keirniraru  *Hent'ta'meh 

Aah'mes  *Turs 

*Ka'mes  *Aahmes 
*Safiri*bau  Sa'pa'iri 

*Ta-khredqa  *Ta'iri 

(mother,  Kasmut) 

(Note.— .The  childreh  of  Aahmes  often  compound  "  Aahmes  " 
in  their  names.) 

In  only  one  point  do  these  conclusions  vary  from 
these  already  staged  by  Professor  Maspero,  in  his  elabo- 
rate study  of  the  mummies  of  Deir  el  Bahri.  On  the 
strength  of  the  name  of  Sat'kames,  the  daughter  of 
Aahmes  and  Nefertari,  he  supposes  that  Kames  was 
probably  her  grandfather,  and  therefore  father  of 
Nefertari;  whereas  here,  on  the  strength  of  the 


THE  SEVENTEENTH  DYNASTY  335 

position  of  Seqenenra  and  Aah'hotep  next  after 
Nefertari,  it  would  seem  likely  that  they  were  her 
father  and  mother. 

From  the  stele  of  lufi  (Rec.  ix.  92)  it  is  certain  that 
Aah'hotep  was  mother  of  Aahmes  L,  and  hence 
Aahmes  and  Nefertari  were  of  the  same  mother.  But 
yet  we  cannot  suppose  them  to  have  had  both  parents 
alike  ;  Aahmes  is  always  (except  once)  shown  of  the 
same  colour  as  other  Egyptians,  while  Nefertari  is 
almost  always  coloured  black.  And  any  symbolic 
reason  invented  to  account  for  such  colouring  applies 
equally  to  her  brother,  who  is  nevertheless  not  black. 
As  Nefertari  was  specially  venerated  as  the  ancestress 
of  the  dynasty,  we  must  suppose  that  she  was  in  the 
unbroken  female  line  of  descent,  in  which  the  royal 
succession  appears  to  have  been  reckoned,  and  hence 
her  black  colour  is  the  more  likely  to  have  come 
through  her  father.  The  only  conclusion,  if  these 
points  should  be  established,  is  that  the  queen 
Aah'hotep  had  two  husbands :  the  one  black  (the 
father  of  Nefertari),  namely,  the  celebrated  Seqenenra, 
who  was  of  Berber  type  (Ms.  M.  528) ;  the  other  an 
Egyptian,  the  father  of  Aahmes  and  his  elder  brothers, 
Kames  and  Skhentnebra,  which  explains  why  those 
three  kings  are  separated  from  the  other  children 
of  Aah'hotep  by  her  husband  Seqenenra,  and  placed 
in  a  different  line  in  the  tomb  of  Khabekht. 

Now  Aahmes  was  rather  over  fifty  when  he  died 
(Ms.  M.  535),  and  he  reigned  25  years ;  hence  he  was 
about  25  to  30  years  old  when  he  came  to  the  throne. 
As  there  is  but  little  memorial  of  the  reigns  of ,  his 
presumed  brothers  (see  above),  Uaz'kheper'ra  and 
S'khent'neb'ra,  they  are  not  likely  to  have  reigned  for 
30  years  between  the  death  of  Seqenenra  and  accession 
of  Aahmes.  Hence  it  is  probable  that  her  Egyptian 
husband,  the  father  of  Aahmes,  preceded  her  black 
husband,  Seqenenra,  the  father  of  Nefertari.  Two 
other  reasons  appear  for  Nefertari  being  the  daughter 
of  Seqenenra,  and  not  of  his  son  Kames:  (i)  as 
Seqenenra  died  at  about  40,  and  Kames  probably 


336  THE  SEVENTEENTH  DYNASTY 

reigned  but  a  short  time,  his  daughter  would  be  rather 
too  young  to  be  the  great  queen  of  his  brother, 
Aahmes  I.  ;  (2)  as  Nefertari's  daughter  was  named 
Aah'hotep,  it  is  more  likely  that  her  mother  was 
Aahhotep  and  not  her  grandmother,  as  names  were 
repeated  usually  in  alternate  generations  in  Egypt. 

It  is  needful  to  enter  thus  fully  on  this  family  history 
if  we  are  to  obtain  any  results ;  but  for  the  less 
important  members  of  the  family  we  merely  notice 
the  occurrence  of  their  names,  and  refer  to  the  discus- 
sion by  Maspero  (Ms.  M.  615-639)  as  the  best  state- 
ment known  about  them.  When  in  the  preceding 
details  we  have  ventured  to  vary  slightly  from  that 
memoir,  it  is  not  with  any  dogmatic  assurance,  but  only 
to  show  the  possibility  of  an  alternative  view  which 
may  be  preferable  in  a  doubtful  detail. 


THE  MUMMIES  OF  DEIR  EL  BAHRI  337 


THE  MUMMIES  OF  DEIR  EL  BAHRI. 

As  we    have   frequently    referred    to  this   deposit    of 
mummies,  we  here  give  an  outline  of  its  history. 

The  tombs  of  kings  as  well  as  private  persons  were 
continually  liable  to  be  plundered  by  unscrupulous 
thieves  ;  what  we  now  find  are  but  the  last  leavings 
of  a  hundred  generations  of  incessant  pillage.  Such 
robbery  began  even  during  the  life  of  the  workmen  who 
had  been  employed  upon  the  construction  ;  and  though 
royal  tombs  were  cared  for  by  priests  and  officials,  yet 
they  were  not  secure  from  attack.  In  the  i6th  year  of 
Ramessu  X.,  a  special  commission  investigated  the 
state  of  the  tombs,  owing  to  various  reports  being 
spread  as  to  their  violation.  They  found,  however, 
only  one  tomb  opened,  out  of  ten  between  the  Xlth  and 
XVIIIth  dynasties  ;  but  two  others  had  been  attacked, 
though  unsuccessfully.  The  disorders  of  the  close  of 
the  Ramesside  period  made  the  question  more  pressing ; 
the  officials,  despairing  of  the  safety  of  so  many 
scattered  and  out-of-the-way  tombs,  gave  orders  to 
bring  some  of  the  royal  mummies  into  the  great  tomb 
of  Sety  I.  for  safety  (Ms.  M.  551,  557,  560).  This 
must  have  been  done  by  the  tunnel  at  the  back  of 
the  tomb,  now  choked  up,  as  the  proper  entrance  was 
intact  when  opened  by  Belzoni.  Hence  this  tunnel 
must  lead  through  the  cliff  to  the  Deir  el  Bahri.  The 
successive  renewals  and  removals  took  place  as  follows, 
according  to  the  endorsement  of  the  scribes  upon  the 
mummies  and  the  coffins  : — 

Pasebkhanu  I.— 

6th  year,  Paophi  7.  Herhor  renewed  wrapping  of  Sety  I. 

6th    „      Phamenoth  15.  Herhor  renewed  wrapping-  of  Ram- 
essu II. 


338 


THE  MUMMIES  OF 


Pasebkhanu 
13th  year, 

Pasebkhanu 
1 7th  year, 


Sa'amen — 
6th  year, 

6th  „ 

7th  „ 

8th  „ 

8th  „ 

i6th  „ 

i6th  „ 

i6th  ,, 

i6th  „ 

Amenemapt- 
7th  year, 
loth     ,, 


I.  (or  Sa'amen) 
Pauni  27. 

I.— 

Phamenoth  6. 


Phamenoth  7. 
Pharmuthi  7. 
Khoiak  8. 
Phamenoth  29. 
Phamenoth  29. 
Pharmuthi  u. 
Pharmuthi  13. 
Pharmuthi  17. 
Khoiak  13. 


Mekhir  9. 
Pharmuthi  20. 


loth     ,,      Pharmuthi  20. 


Painezem  I.  restored  mummy  of 
Ramessu  III. 

Painezem  I.  removed  Ramessu  II. 
and  renewed  his  wrapping  in  the 
tomb  ofSety  7. 

Painezem     I.    restored    mummy    of 

Tahutmes  II. 
Painezem    I.   renewed    wrapping    of 

Amenhotep  I. 
Painezem   I.  moved  mummy  of  Sat' 

kames. 
Painezem  I.  moved  mummy  of  prince 

Sa'amen. 
Painezem     I.     moved      mummy     of 

Aahmes  I. 

Masahart  renewed  wrapping  of  Amen- 
hotep I. 
Sety  I.  taken  from  his  tomb  to  the 

tomb  of  Anhapu. 
Ramessu  II.  taken  from  tomb  of  Sety 

/.  to  tomb  of  Anhapu. 
Ramessu  I.  taken  from  tomb  of  Sety  /. 

to  tomb  of  Anhapu. 

Menkheperra  re-wrapped  Sety  I. 
Sety   I.   moved  into  tomb  of  Amen- 

hotep  I. 
Ramessu    II.    moved    into    tomb    of 

Amenhotep  I. 


Sa'amen  is  here  treated  as  not  being  the  same  as 
Herhor ;  the  names  of  the  officials  sufficiently  prove 
this  ;  and  we  see  it  also  in  Ramessu  II.  being  in  Sety's 
tomb  under  Painezem  I.,  while  he  was  removed  from 
that  place  under  Sa'amen. 

For  the  discussion  of  the  XXIst  dynasty,  and  the 
assignment  of  the  dates  in  the  above  reigns,  see  S.B.A. 
xviii.  56-64. 

We  see  hfcre  how  the  bodies  were  shifted  into 
Sety's  tomb  ;  then  again  to  the  tomb  of  Anhapu  ; 
yet  again  to  the  tomb  of  Amenhotep  L ;  and 
lastly,  though  unrecorded,  they,  were  all  carried  into 
the  burial-place  of  the  priest -kings  of  the  XXIst 


DEIR  EL  BAHRI 


339 


dynasty/  There  they  remained  until,  about  twenty 
years  or  more  ago,  the  Arab  dealers  found  the  tomb,  and 
gradually  drew  out  one  object  after  another  for  sale. 
By  the  arrest  of  the  sellers  in  1881  their  secret  was  by 
threats — and  they  say  force  as  well — wrung  from  one 
of  them,  and  the  confused  mass  of  a  dozen  kings  and 
queens  of  the  XVIIIth-XIXth  dynasties,  many  royal 
children,  and  a  large  part  of  the  family  of  the  XXIst 
dynasty,  together  with  such  portions  of  the  funeral 
furniture  of  the  various  persons  as  had  survived  the 
many  removals  of  the  bodies,  was  all  brought  to  the 
museum  at  Cairo.  The  list  of  personages  is  as  follows, 
with  the  pages  where  the  remains  are  described  in 
Maspero's  "  Momies  Royales  de  Deir  el  Bahari" 
(M.A.F.  i.  4). 


XVII.  7?  Seqenen-ra   III., 

Ta*aa*qen 
Raa,     nurse     of 

queen  Nefertari 
An  hap  u,  queen 

XVIII.  i.  Aahmes  I. 

Nefertari 
XVIII.  2.  Amenhotep  I. 

Sa'amen,  infant 
Sat 'amen,  infant 

Seniu,  keeper  of 
palace 
Merytamen 


mummy  and  coffin 
coffin 

mummy 

mummy  and  coffin 
mummy  and  coffin 
mummy  and  coffin 
mummy  and  coffin 
false  mummy  and 

coffin 
coffin,  re-used 


(Priestess          of 

Amen,  XX.  dyn. 
Sat'kames 
Hent'temehu, 

dau.     of    Tent- 

hapi 
Mes'hent'temehu,  false 


mummy  and  re-used 

coffin 
coffin,  re-used 


mummy 

mummy  and  coffin 


infant 
Aah'hotep  II. 

XVIII.  3.  Tahutmes  I. 

XVIII.  4.  Tahutmes  II. 
XVIII.  6.  Tahutmes  ILL 
Poisoned  prince 


mummy 


coffin 
coffin 

/coffin 

\mummy 
mummy  and  coffin 
mummy  and  coffin 
mummy  and  coffin 


and 

• 


p.   PI. 

526  iii. 
530 

53° 

533  »v.a 

535  y.a 

536  iv.  b 

538 
539 
539 
540 

543 


544 

545  v*b 

581  vii,  viii.  b 

54S  vii.  viila 

548  ix. 


340 


THE  MUMMIES  OF  DEIR  EL  BAHRI 


XIX. 

I. 

Ramessu  I. 

mummy  and 

lid 

55  * 

XIX. 

2. 

Sety  I. 

mummy  and 

coffin 

553 

xi.  a,  xiii. 

XIX. 

3- 

Ramessu  II. 

mummy  and 

coffin 

556 

xi.  b,  xiv. 

-xvt. 

XX. 

I. 

Ramessu  III. 

mummy  and 

coffin 

563 

xvii., 

xviii. 

a 

XX. 

zo. 

Ramessu  XII.  (?) 

mummy 

568 

Khaemuas 

XXI. 

z. 

Nezemt,  queen 

mummy  and 

2  coffins 

569 

xix.  a 

XXI. 

2. 

Painezem  I. 

mummy 

57o 

XXI. 

3- 

Masahart 

mummy  and 

coffin 

5?i 

vi.  b 

XXI. 

4- 

Painezem  II. 

mummy  and 

coffin 

57  * 

Zed'ptah'auf* 

mummy  and 

2  coffins 

572 

ankb 

Nebseny 

mummy  and 

coffin 

574 

xviii.  b 

Henftaui 

mummy  and 

2  coffins 

576 

xx.  a 

Makara    and 

2    mummies 

and     i 

577 

xix.  b 

Mut'envhat 

coffin 

Ast'envkheb 

mummy  and 

2  coffins 

577 

vi.  c 

Hatet,       altered 

2  coffins 

578 

for  next 

Tayuhert 

mummy  and 

2  coffins 

578 

Nesikhonsu 

mummy  and 

2  coffins 

566, 

578 

Nesi'ta'neb' 

mummy  and 

a  coffins 

579 

xx.  b 

ashru 

ADDITIONAL  NOTES 


I  owe  the  following-  notes  about  the  tombs  at  Thebes,  etc.,  to 
Mr.  Percy  Newberry,  who  has  seen  the  proof-sheets  of  this 
volume. 


Page  39,  line  3.     Huy  tomb  at  Drah  abul  Negga. 
,,     41,    ,,  28.     Bak  was  a  son  of  a  keeper  of  cattle  of  Nefertari. 

Tomb,  Qurneh. 
,,     44,   base.      Cone    of   Tahuti,   priest    of  Aahmes    (M.A.F. 

viii.  15). 
,,     68,  officials.  JBak,  chief  steward,  cone  (M.A.F.  viii.  15). 

priests.    Muty   priestess,  in    tomb  of  Ka'em'her'ab'sen, 

Qurneh. 
Neferhotep(^B.m.  II.).  Tomb  of  Khonsu,  Qurneh. 


,,     69,  line  10.    And  in  a  tomb  at  Hieraconpolis  (B.E.  243). 

,,     78,   ,,   13.     Sen'men  was  an  official  of  princess  Nefenrra, 

named  in  Senmut's  tomb  (M.A.F.  viii.  16). 
,,     90,    ,,   19.     Base  of  black  granite  statue  of  Senmut  found  at 

Deir  el  Bahri  (N.D.B.  i.  19). 
,,     90,    ,,  23.     A  third  glass  bead  was  bought  at  Luxor  (New- 

berry). 
»»     95>    »   !5«     At  Qurneh  are  tombs  of  Hapusenb,  3rd  kherheb 

of  Amen,  of  Anna,  and  o*  x,  an  overseer  of 

works  of  great  obelisks. 
,,  164,    ,,  21.     Amenken's  wife  was  royal  nurse. 

Tombs     at     Qurneh     of    Neb'en'kemt,     palace 

keeper  ;  Tahuti'nefer,  treasurer  ;  Amenemapt, 

vizier  ;  Mery,  high  priest  of  Amen. 


34*  ADDITIONAL  NOTES 

Page  164,  line  30.  Mentuhotep,  kherheb  under  Ram.   II.     Tomb  of 

Khonsu,  Qurneh. 
,,  172,    ,,   12.     Ry>  chief  of  engravers.     Tomb,  Qurneh. 

Sebekhotep,  chief  of  Fayum.    Tomb,  Qurneh. 
Ta,  keeper  of  cattle,  Ram.  II.    Tomb,  Khonsu, 

Qurneh. 
,,   173,  base.       Meryt,  nurse  of  royal  children.     TombofSebek- 

hotep,  Qurneh. 

,,   198.  A menemapty  keeper  of  palace.     Tomb.  Qurneh. 

,,  200.  Nebamen.     Tomb,  Qurneh. 

„  229.  x,  overseer  of  workmen,  Tomb,  Assassif. 


INDEX 


Names  of  persons  and  places  in  Syria  ivhich  only  occur  on  the 
cuneiform  correspondence^  -will  be  found  separately  indexed  on 
pp.  308-311. 

The  references  here  in  thick  type  show  the  beginning  of  the  principal 
account  of  each  royal  person. 


AA,  39. 

Aah-hotep  I.,  i,  2,  3,  5,  6,  7,  9. 

Aah'hotep  II.,   i,  3,  34,  42,  43, 

46,  52,  54»  333»  334,  339- 
Aahmes,  K.,  i,  2,  3,^7,  9,    13, 

20,  25-29,  34,  333,  334. 
Aahmes,  monuments,  34. 

„       mummy,  37,  338,  339. 
,,       worshipped,  38. 
,,       family,  41. 
Aahmes,   Q.,  i,  46,  54,  59,  69, 

»5»  333- 

Aahmes,  Q.,  portraits  of,  70. 
Aahmes,    princess,    5,   6,    333, 

334- 
Aahmes,  general,  21,  30,  34,  35, 

45,46,61. 

Aahmes,  official,  A,  198. 
»,  »         B,  225. 

Aa'kheper'ka,  68. 
Aa'kheper*ka*senb,  68. 
Aamathu,  140. 
Aanen,  198. 
Aaruna,  105,  106. 
Aata,  Hyksos,  23,  35. 


Abeha,  180. 

Abhat,  181. 

Akenkhres,  25-29. 

Akhenaten  (see  AmenhotepIV.), 

25-2^,  205. 

,,          portraits,    208,    209, 
213,  217,  224,  230. 

chang-e  of  type,  211. 

conversion,  211. 

hymn  to  Aten,  215. 

length  of  reign,  219. 

monuments,  220. 

tomb,  220. 

ushabti,  222. 

in  early  style,  224. 

family,  229. 

in  cuneiform,  308. 
Akhenuthek,  181. 
Akherres,  ^5-29. 
Akina,  181. 
Alisphragrnouthosis,     20,     25- 

29. 

Amen  proscribed,  212. 
,,      reinstated,  236. 
Amerrem  ant,  127,  141. 


348 


344 


INDEX 


Amen'envapt,  A,  princess,  165. 

B,  39. 

C,  341. 

D,  198. 

„  E,  225,  308. 

Amen 'em 'hat,  officials,  45,  68, 

101,  141,  163,  198. 
Amen -em 'neb,  45,  123,  141,  163. 
Amen'envka,  141. 
Amen'envmeruf,  141. 
Amenhotep  I.,  i,  3,  10,  25-30, 
34,    38,    42,    43, 
54»       55>      333) 
334- 

„  festivals,  32. 

,,  monuments,  45,  50. 

„  head  of,  47. 

, ,  history  of,  46. 

„  mummy,    50,  338- 

339- 
Amenhotep  II.,  25-29,   32,   54, 

55»  S^,  ?8,  loo. 
,,  monuments,      152, 

I5?'    , 
„  youth  of,  153. 

,,  and  nurse,  154. 

,,  portrait  of,  156. 

,,  statue  of,  1 60. 

,,  scarabs  of,  162. 

Amenhotep  III.,  25-29,  56,  57. 
„  monuments,      174, 

I87".        , 
„  portraits    of,    177, 

184,186,188,202. 
,,  and     his     kay     as 

children,  178. 
,,  dated    events    of, 

178. 

,,  lion  hunting,  180. 

„  marriages,  181-3. 

,,  length     of    reign, 

1 86,  208. 
,,  associates  his  son, 

186.  * 

,,  tomb,  187. 

,,  funeral  temple  of, 

192. 

,,  adored,  202. 

,,     "      family)  202. 
„  in  cuneiform,  308. 


Amenhotep    IV.     (see    Akhen- 
aten),  25-29, 177, 
205. 
,,  marriage  of,    18?, 

186,  207. 

,,  associated,       186, 

187,  208,  210. 

,,  dates  of,  207,  210. 

,,  portraits    of,    208, 

209,     213,     217, 

224,  230. 

,,  upholds  the  Aten, 

210. 

,,  in  cuneiform,  308. 

Amenhotep,  officials,  44,  46,  68, 

69,    171,    173,   188,   197,   198, 

223,  308. 
Amenhotep,  son  of  Hepu,   192, 

196. 

Amen'ken,  163,  341. 
Amen 'niery,  308. 
Amen'mes,  prince,  46,  52,  53. 
Amen  -mes,  \  officials,    46,     141, 

223. 

Amen'nekht,  198. 
Amen'nekhtu,  46. 
Amenofis,  25-29. 
Amenofthis,  25-29. 
Amen 'user,  141. 
Amersis,  25-29. 
Amesses,  25-29. 
Amorites,  229. 
Amos,  25-29.  — - 

Amu,  invasion  by,  19. 

„      captured,  123,  124. 
Amukehak,  47,  48. 
Amunzeh,  141,  199. 
An,  nurse  of  Hatshepsut,  95. 
Anaugasa,  102,  no,  117,  120. 
Anay,  38. 

Ancestors,  chamber  of,  130. 
Anebni,  78,  95. 
Anhapi,  35,  43,  338-9. 
Anhur,  164. 

Anhurkhaui,  39,  42,  46,  333. 
Anhur'mes,  199. 
Aniy,  225. 
Ankhefenamen,  46. 
Ankhsenamen,        >  207,     232, 
Ankhs  *en  'pa  'aten,  >      235. 


INDEX 


345 


Anna,  78,  341. 

Anrathu,  114. 

Antef,  141. 

Antoninus,  131. 

Anui,  226. 

Anukhenti,  35,  47,  62,  73,  157. 

Apepa  II.,  17. 

,,          tale  of,  17. 
Apis  tombs,  189,  245,  252. 
Apiy,  226. 
Apthentha,  181. 
Apuy,  226. 
Arat,  170,  174. 
Arem,  118. 
Arerpaq,  181. 
Armais,  26-29,  250. 
Armour,  suit  of,  122. 
Aroana,  119. 
Arqahtu,  122. 
Arseth,  155. 
Art  of  Akhenaten,  219. 

,,   changed  by  Syria,  150. 
Artist  from  Syria,  109. 
,,      sculpturing-,  171. 
,,      painting,  204. 
Arurekh,  120. 

Arvad,  101,  102,  113,  114,  310. 
Asi  (Cyprus),  102,  118,  120,121. 
Assassif,  131. 
Assuru  tribute,  112,  181. 
Ast,  39. 

„     queen,  72. 

,,     princess,  177,  203. 
Aten  worship,  184,  211-218,  251. 

,,     upheld  by  Amenhotep  IV., 
210. 

,,     cartouches,  212. 

„     hymn,  215. 

,,     duration,  236, 
Aten  'neferu  boat,  184,  211. 
Aten'nefer'neferu,  210,  230. 
Ater'tnaiu,  181. 
Aty,  queen  of  Punt,  83. 
Aururek,  181. 
Auta,  204,  226. 
Auy,  341. 
Avaris,  21,  22,  35. 
Axe  of  Aah'hotep,  u. 

,,     of  Kames,  14. 
Ay,  25-29,  226,  233,  240. 


Ayhatab,  181. 
Azenunian,  181. 

BAHESHEKU,  141. 
Bak,  226,  341,  341. 
Bakenkhonsu,  199. 
Bakta,  142. 

Baktaten,  177,  203,  227. 
Battle  of  Megiddo,  107. 
Beba'ankh,  dagger  of,  16. 
Berber  type  of  Seqenenra,  4, 

Betehamen,  39. 

Binpu,  7,  13,  334. 

Birth-ring  of  Tahutmes  III.,  100. 

Birth-scarab  of  Amenhotep  II., 

162. 
Birth-scarab  of  Amenhotep  III., 

T95- 

Boat,  golden,  of  Kames,  12. 
Bows  from  Syria,  119. 
Bull's  head  vase,  121, 

CAMPAIGNS,  records  of,  320, 331. 
Canal  of  Aswan,  67,  135. 
Canon  of  proportion,  138. 
Captives  (see  Syrians),  22,  23. 
Carmel,  101,  104. 
Carnelian,  artificially  whitened, 

51. 
Chair  from  Syria,  in. 

,,      of  Hatshepsut,  92. 
Chariot  from  Syria,  1 10. 

,,       of  Kha'envhat,  179. 
Chester,  Mr.  Greville,  92. 
Chief  of  Tunep  and  artist,  109. 
Chiefs  "smelling  the  ground," 

109. 
Chronology,    3,    25-33,   52-56, 

60,  61,  1 86,  208,  219,  246. 
Coffin  of  Seqenenra  III.,  8. 
Aah'hotep  L,  12. 
Aahmes,  37. 
Nefertari,  40. 
Amenhotep  I.,  49. 
Tahutmes  I.,  64. 
Tahutmes  II.,  76. 
Colonnade  ofTahutmes  III,,  129. 
Amenhotep  III., 
191. 


INDEX 


Colossi  of  Thebes,  192. 
Constantinople  obelisk,  132. 
Corn  imported  into  Egypt,  112, 

115,  117-123,  149. 
Coronation  edict,  60. 
Cows,  sacred,  90,  91. 
Cuneiform  correspondence,  259- 

3i9* 
Cups  from  Syria,  1 14. 

Dagger  of  Aahhotep,  u. 

„          Kames,  14. 
Death     mask    of    Akhenaten, 

230. 
Decline  of  Egypt  in  Syria,  259- 

3*9- 

Deer's  head  of  gold,  120. 
Deir  el  Bahri,  mummy  pit,  7, 

337- 

,,  temple      sculp- 

tures,   82,     84, 
85. 

Dishes  from  Syria,  in,  112. 

Draughtmen  of  Hatshepsut,  93. 

Duaheh,  95. 

Dudua,  39. 

Dushratta,  181,  187,309. 

Duy,  168. 

ECONOMIC  state  of  Egypt,  149. 
Education  of  Syrians  in  Egypt, 

114,  185. 

Egyptian  taste  changed,  150. 
Egyptian  type  of  face,  148. 
Egypto-Syrian    type    of   face, 

149. 

Elephant  from  Syria,  124. 
Eshmunen,  origin  of  XVIIIth 

dyn.,  15. 

Ethics  of  Akhenaten,  218. 
Ethiopian    origin    of    XVI Ith 

dyn.,  4,  17. 
„         monuments,  68. 
,,          expeditiofi  of  Tahut- 
mes  III.,  103. 

FALCHION,  122. 

Fenkhu  (Phoenicians),   36,  37, 

7£»  101. 
Foliage  on  column,  219. 


Foundation    deposits    of    Hat- 

shepsut, 94. 
Foundation  deposits  from  Am, 

126. 
Foundation  deposits  of  Amen- 

hotep  II.,  161. 

GAZA,  101,  104,  185,  311. 

Genbetu,  115. 

Gilukhipa,   177,   178,   181,   182, 

203. 

Glass  of  Tahutmes  III.,  139. 
Gureses,  181. 


170. 

Hanebu,  72,  253. 
Hanefer,  46. 
Hapi,  308. 
Hapusenb,  341. 
Harakhti,  210,  223. 
Har'nekaru  (Ras  Nakur^),  no. 
Harosheth,  155. 
Hatet,  340. 
Hatshepset    Merytra,    78,    99, 

143- 
Hatshepsut,  25-29,  32,  52,  61, 

7I'72'         e    ^ 
,,          co-regency  of,   66, 

69. 

monuments  of,  79- 
portrait,  80. 
temple  at   Deir    el 

Bahri,  81.-— 
statues,  etc.,  91,92. 
chair  of,  92. 
position    in    king- 

dom  95,96 
,,          inscription  hidden, 

130,  170. 

Hatuart  (Avaris),  22,  35, 
Haworth,  Mr.,  92. 
Havt,  46. 
Hebykhetf,  199. 
Hek'erneheh,  165,  172. 
Hent'mer'heb,  177,  203. 
Henfta-meh,  35,  42,  43,  333-4, 

339* 

Hentta'mehu,  35,  42,  43,  339. 
Henfta*neb,  177,  203. 
Henftaui,  340. 


INDEX 


347 


Henut'anu,  100,  145. 

Herhor,  39,  337. 

Herkhuf,  48. 

Hermopolitan  origin  of  XVIIIth 

dyn.,  15. 

Hersekheper,  227. 
Hery,  45. 

Hm,  contents  of  vases,  51. 
Hor,  38,  199. 
Horames,  142,  173. 
Horemheb,  K.,  26-29,  131,  222, 

223,  232. 
,,  monuments,       242, 

246. 
,,  general   and   king, 

244. 
,,  length  of  reign,  245, 

251- 

„  portraits,  245,  253. 

Horemheb,  official,  A,  56;  B., 

142,  165,  171,  199. 
Hor'em*heb*pa*hor'ur,  256. 
Horos,  25-29,  236,  250. 
Hotep,  199,  308. 
Hotepbua,  39. 
Hotepra,  308. 
Hui,  235. 
Humai,  141. 

Huy,  A,  39;  B,  218,  221,  227. 
Huya,  203,  227. 

Hyksos,  expulsion  of,  16-24,  35- 
Hymn  to  Aten,  215. 

IAIRNUF,  39. 
Imadua,  142. 
Isiemkheb,  140,  340. 
luf,  38. 
lufi,  stele  of,  10,  69,  335. 

JAR  of  wine,  112. 

Jewellery  of  Aah'hotep,  10-13. 

Joppa,  185,  311. 

Jug  ot  silver  from  Syria,  1 23. 

KA  as  a  child,  178. 
Kaha,  46. 
Kahu,  199. 

Kallimmasin,  181,  309. 
Kames,  K.,  i,  2,  3,  7,  9,  12,  13, 
20,  333»  334- 


Kames,  princess,  7,  13,  334. 

„        private,  10,  15. 
Kara!  n  dash,  181. 
Karduniyas,  311 

alliance  with,  1  81. 
Kargui,  141 

Karikamasha,  124,  181. 
Kars,  46. 

Kary,  158,  168,  181. 
Kasa,  38. 

Kasmut,  35,  43,  334. 
Kedesh,  102,  103,  105,  114,  122, 

124,  125,  181,  311.      ' 
Kedet,  227. 
Kedina,  181. 
Kefa,  181. 
Kefti,  1  1  8,  123,  157. 
Kenamen,  142. 
Kenaru,  7,  13,  334. 
Kepni,  118. 
Khabekht,  tomb,  9,  13,  39,  42, 

46,  333- 
Khaemhat,  head  of,  199. 

,  ,         head  of  servant  of, 

150. 

,,          chariot  of,  179. 
Khaemuas,   142,  159,  164,  227, 

308. 

Khafra  on  Sphinx  stele,  167. 
Khalubu,  124,  311. 
Kharu  land,  105,  in,  119,  227. 

,,      official,  141. 
Khay,  200. 
Khebres,  25-29. 
Khebron,  25-29. 
Khebtneferu,  54. 

„  figure  of,  71,  85. 

Khent  'hen  'iiefer,  22,  62,  73. 
Kherfu,  188,  200. 
Khita,   102,  116,  122,  168,  181, 

185,253,311. 
Khonsu,  142. 
Khonsuhotep,  256. 


King's  son,  title,  68. 
Kirgipa,  177,  178,  181,  182,203. 
Kom  el  Hettan,  192. 
Kurigalzu,  181. 

Kush,  47,  62,  73,  118,  119,  121- 
3»  236. 


INDEX 


LIBYANS,  48,  229. 
Lion's  head  of  gold,  120. 
Lotus  flower  group,  169, 

MAA,  144. 
Maat,  212. 
Mahler,  31. 
Mahu,  A,  44  ;  B,  227. 
Maitariaa,  181. 
Maiu,  181. 
Makara,  Q.,  340. 
Makautuash,  181. 
Maktaten,  207,  231. 
Manuareb,  181. 

Map  of  approach  to  Megiddo, 
104. 

, ,       Syria  under  Amenhotep 
IV.,  320. 

,,       North    Syrian    towns, 

33°- 
Marriages    of   Egyptians   and 

Syrians,  147,  181. 
Marseille  altar,  16. 

,,         forgeries  at,  139. 
Masahart,  338,  340. 
Matnun,  181. 
Matur,  181. 
Mau'en'hequ,  141. 
May,  people,  181 
May,  official,  227. 
Meframouthosis,  25-29. 
Mefres,  25-29. 
Megiddo,  101,  105,  107. 
Mehpeni,  181. 
Men,  200,  202. 
Menaunu,  181. 
Menkh,  69. 
Men'kheper,  142. 
Men'kheperra,  200,  201. 
Men'kheperra'senb,  133,  141. 
Mennus,  157. 
Menofres,  era  of,  29,  33. 
Mentiu  of  Setet  (Bedawin  of  hill 

country),  22,  35,  7$,  157. 
Mentuhotep  II.,  33. 
Mentuhotep  III.,  333,  334. 
Mentuhotep,  official,  342. 
Merenptah,  26-29,  S2* 
Meriptah,  197, 
Mermes,  200. 


Mernebptah,  257. 

Mertaten,   207,   221,    229,   231, 

iwr233' 

Mery,  200,  341. 

Meryneit,  227. 

Meryt,  342. 

Meryfamen,  34,  38,  39,  42-44, 

333»  334»  339- 
Meryfptah,  100,  144. 
Meryfra,  54,  72,  78,  99,  143. 
Mesamen,  39.- 
Mifris,  25-29. 
Military  oppression,  251. 
Min,  official,  157. 
Mhvnekht,  239,  241. 
Misafris,  25-29. 
Misfraigmonthosis,  25-29. 
Mitanni,  181,  185,  311. 
Mummies,  royal,  337-340. 
Music  school,  222. 
Mut,  341. 
Mufem'hat,  340. 
Mufenvua,  173,  174,  192. 
Mufnefert,  Q.,  46,  59,  71,  198. 
„  bust  of,  71. 

NAHARAINA,  62,  102,  105,  116, 
119,  122,  123,  124,  157,  158, 
167,  181. 

Names  of  places  often  per- 
verted, 321. 

Nanay,  227. 

Napata,  156. 

,,        ram  from,  194. 

Narkihab,  181. 

Nayu,  341. 

Nebamen,  142,  342. 

Nebankh,  170. 

Neb'en'kemt,  341. 

Nebmes,  39. 

Nebnefer,  39. 

Nebra,  39. 

Nebseny,  340. 

Nebsu,  38. 

Nebta,  46,  57. 

Nebfka'bani,  200,  203. 

Nebtu,  Q.,  99,  144. 

Nebua,  '164. 

Neby,  142. 

Nefer'amen,  100,  145. 


INDEX 


349 


Nefer-ay,  257. 
Nefefem'hotep,  173. 
Nefer'hat,  172. 
Neferhebt'f,  164. 
Nefefhotep,    officials,    39,    68, 

250,256,341. 

Nefer'nefenraten,  207,  232. 
Nefer'neferu'ra,  207,  232. 
Nefer'pert,  36. 
Nefer'renpit,  144. 
Nefersekheru,  200. 
Nefertari,  i,  3,  9,  "34,  38,  40. 

„         black,  335. 
Nefertiti,  207,  229. 

-,         origin    of,    183,    209, 
229. 

,,         portrait  of,   182,  213, 

217,  230. 

Neferu'erhatf,  144. 
Nefenrkhebt,  54. 

„  figure  of,  71. 

Nefenrra,  72,  78. 

„         bust  of,  77. 
Negeba,  123. 
Negroes,  254. 

,,         and  Asiatics,  249. 
Nehi,  136,  142. 
Nekht,  39,  46. 
Nekht'pa'aten,  227. 
Nekhtu,  46. 
Neserna,  114. 
Nesikhonsu,  340. 
Nesi'ta'neb'asheru,  340. 
Neta,  69. 
Nezenvmut,  209,  232,  244,  250, 

256- 

Nezemt,  340. 

Niy,  63,  116,  123,  124,  126,  155. 
Nubian  gods,  136,  159,  170. 
Nubians  capture  animals,  159. 

OASIS  of  Farafra,  inscription, 

Obelisks  of  Hatshepsut,  85-87. 

„        of  Tahutmes  I.,  67. 

,,        of  Tahutmes  III.,  127, 
131. 

,,        makers  of,  134. 
Oros,  25-29,  236. 
Oxen  drawing  sledge,  37. 


A,  38,  172. 
Pa*amen,  46. 
Pa'ari,  227,  308. 
**"hebfc 


Pafuenamen,  51. 

Paheri,  tutor  of  Uazmes,  52.  ;-. 

Painezem  I.,  64,  131,  338,  340"., 

Painezem  II.,  340.  •    •' 

Pakha,  225. 

Pakhen,  77. 

Palette  of  Seqenenra,  6. 

Pa'nefu'emdu'amen,  39. 

Panehsi,    A,    39  ;    B,    200  ;    C, 

227. 

Pa'nehyamen,  159. 
Panekht,  38. 
Pa'nekhu,  201. 
Pa*neter*hon,  200. 
Pa'rohu,  king  of  Punt,  83. 
Pasar,  A,  163  ;  B,  200  ;  C,  241. 
Pasebkhanu  I.,  337,  338. 
Pashed,  46. 
Paynamen,  50. 

Penaati,  A,  50,  68,  77;  B,  142. 
Penamen,  46. 
Penbua,  39. 
Penbui,  39,  256. 
Pendant  of  Tutankhamen,  237. 
Pennekheb,  30,  34,  35,  45,  47, 

62,  69,  73,  77. 
Pen*ta'en*abtu,  39. 
Pentaurt,  46, 
Penthu,  228. 
Pepy  I.,  33. 

Perversions  of  names,  321. 
Petahuha,  100,  144. 
Petau,  157. 
Petenra,  68. 
Petpui,  100,  144. 
Phoenicia,  101,  113. 
Phoenicians,  36,  37,  101,  157. 
Physiognomy       changed       in 

Egypt,  148. 
Piankhy,  tyo. 
Piay,  172. 
Pillars,  granite,   of  Tahutmes 

III.,  130. 

Plunder  of  Syria,  no. 
Police,  227. 
Priestess,  head  of,  151. 


INDEX 


.  181,  253. 
,,      nouses  of,  84. 
,,     tribute  of,  102,  117,  121. 

QEDESH  (see  Kedesh). 

Qen,  38,  39. 

Qina,  107. 

Queens  transmitted  royal  rig-ht, 

183,  209. 
Quiver  from  Syria,  120. 

RA,  A,  37 ;  B,  142,  162,  163. 

Raa,  339. 

Raentuy,  257. 

Rahotep,  4,  308. 

Ram  of  Amenhotep  III.,  194. 

Ramery,  A,  173  ;  B,  228. 

Rames,  son  Seqenenra,  7,   13, 

334- 
Rames,  officials,  A,  201  ;  B,  201, 

228;  C,  210,  224,  228. 
Ramessu  I.,  26-29,  33,  333,  340. 
Ramessu  II.,  26-29,  32,  38,  337- 

34°» 

Ramessu  III.,  338-340. 
Ramessu  IV.,  333. 
Ramessu  XII.,  131,  340. 
Ran,  142. 
Rany,  173. 
Rapeam,  257. 
Rathos,  25-29. 
Ratothis,  25-29. 
Rauserkheper,  257. 
Rekhmara,  133,  142. 
Relationships  of  XVIIth  dyn., 

i»  3»  333- 

Remenen  (Lebanon),fii6,  120. 
Restoration  after  Hyksos  war, 

36. 
Restorations  of  Medinet  Habu, 

131. 
Rhind,  labels  from  tomb,  139, 

'43- 


Rhind,  toilet  box,  161. 
Ring  of  Aah'hotep,  9. 

,,       Tahutmes  III.,  100. 

„       Tahutmes  IV.,  171. 

,,       Amenhotep  III.,  195. 

,,       Smenkh'ka'ra,  234. 

„        Mertaten,  234. 

,,       Tutankhamen,  236, 238. 

,,       Ankhsenaten,  237. 

,,       Nezem'mut,  250. 

,,        Silver  from  Syria,  117. 
Rock  tablets  of  Tell  el  Amarna, 

222. 

Roy,  A,  126;  B,  342 ;  C,  256. 

Rudua,  228. 

Ruten,  62,    101,    102,   112,   114, 

115,   118,   122,   133,   156,   157, 

235- 

SA-AMEN,  35,  42-44,  333,  334, 

o  338,  339- 

Sa'ast,  A,  34  ;  B,  201. 

Sakedenu,  142. 

Samanurika,  181. 

Samut,  20 1. 

Sangar,  102,  116,  123,  124,  181, 

o  I95'. 

Sa-pa'ir,  3,  34,  43,  44,  333,  334. 

Sat  "amen,  dau.  Amenhotep  I.,  3, 
34>  38,  42,  43»  333» 
334- 
„          dau.  Amenhotep  III., 

o    L  «S9t  »77>  205^ 

Satharna,  181,  203. 

Sat'hora,  100,  145. 

Sat'ir-bau,  7,  13,  334. 

Satiu,  155,  311. 

Sat-kames,  34,  42,  43,  334,  338, 

339- 

Safra,95. 

Scarabs,  figured  of  Aahmes,  36. 
,,  „          AahotepIL, 

,,  ,,          Amenmes, 

„  n  Nebta,  57. 

„  ,,          Tahutmes  I,, 

„"  ,,          NefeniYa, 

78. 


INDEX 


35* 


Scarabs,  figured ,  of  Hatshepsut, 
94. 

,,  „          Tahutmes 

III.,    114, 
140,  145. 

,,  „  Amenhotep, 

II.,  162. 

,,  „          Tahutmes 

IV.,  171. 

,,  ,,  Amenhotep, 

in.,  195- 

,,  „  Amenhotep 

IV.,      210, 
'   A   ^ 

„  „          Ay,  242. 

„  ,,  Horemheb, 

251. 
Scarabs  with  double  cartouches, 


Ichoo 


School  of  music  and  dancing1, 

222. 

Scribes,  group  of,  228. 
Sebekhotep,  officials,  A,  68 ;  B, 

Sebekmes,  201. 
Sebeknekht,  A,  69 ;  B,  201. 
Sed  festivals,  31-33. 
Sekhentnebra,  i,  2,  3,  7,  9,  16, 

Sekhefam,  157,  181. 
Sektu,  1 1 8. 
Semnefer,  69. 
Semneh,  35,  67,  136. 
Seniu,  339. 
Senekhtenra,  10. 
Senemaah,  46. 
Senmen,  38,  341. 
Senmut,  78,  88. 

„        statues,  89,  341. 
Sen'nefer,  142,  163. 
Sensenb,  i,  46,  57. 

figure  of,  58. 
Seqenenra  I.,  4,  5. 
Seqenenra  II. ,  4,  7. 
Seqenenra  III.,  i,  2 


Serenyk,  181. 
Sesu,  258. 


3: 

«_.*• 
Berl 

4>  335- 


333,  334,  339* 


4,  7, 
» 339* 

type, 


Set,  official,  142. 

Setet,  181. 

Sety  I.,  26-29,  38,  S°i  J3i»  223, 

340. 

„        tomb  of,  337. 
Shabaka,  169. 
Sharhana   (Sharuhen),   22,  35, 

104. 

Shasu,  73,  121,  181. 
Shemeshatuma,  155. 
Sheshenq  I.,  190. 
Shields  from  Syria,  120. 
Shooting  at  a  target,  166. 
Si,  144. 

Siege  of  Megiddo,  108. 
Simyra,  102,  114,  311. 
Sirius  festivals,  31-33. 
Sitatama,  181. 
Sledges    for    drawing     stone, 

37- 
Smenkh'ka'ra,  25-29,  219,  221, 

229,  231. 

,,  monuments,  233. 

Smensheps,  172. 
Soldiers,  figured,  85. 

„         oppression  by,  251. 
Sons  of  chiefs  taken  to  Egypt, 

114. 

Sotep'en'ra,  207,  232. 
Spear  head  of  Kames,  14. 
Speos    Artemidos,    inscription, 

19,  81. 
Sphinx  tablet  of  Tahutmes  IV., 

1 66. 

Staff  with  human  head,  in. 
Stand  for  sacred  bark,  138. 
Sunuga,  181. 
Suta,  228,  308. 
Sutekh,  worship  of,  17. 
Suten  du  hotep  formula,  38,  40, 
95,    202,    218, 

257- 

, ,  offering  made  by 

king,  172. 
Sutharna,  181,  203. 
Suti,  228,  308. 
Sy/ia,    Egyptian    remains   in, 

145,  157,  188. 

,,        high  civilisation  of,  146* 
,,       loss  of,  259-319. 


INDEX 


Syrian  influence  on  Egypt,  145- 
152,  181. 

„      marriages,  181. 
Syrians  brought  to  Egypt,  22, 

23,  62,  109-125,  147,  185,  229. 

TA,  342. 
Ta-aa,  164. 
Taanaka,  105* 
Tables,  inlaid,  m. 
Tables  of  families,  i ,  3,  54. 
,,       dynasties,  4,  25-29. 
Tadukhipa,  181,  183,  187,  207, 

310. 

Taharqa,  131. 
Tahennu,  48,  101,  157,  181. 
Tahured,  68. 
Tahuti,  officials,  A,  342  ;  B,  68 ; 

C,  95  ;  D,  142  ;  E,  142. 
Tahuti'nefer,  341. 
Tahuti  «sena,  68. 
Tahutmes  I.,  i,  25-30,  46,  54, 

55,  85. 

„  festival,  32. 

„  monuments,     59, 

65-     .       ^ 
,,  coronation,  60. 

,,  history,  61. 

„  head  of,  63. 

„  mummy,  64,  339. 

„  officials  of,  68. 

,,  family,  69. 

Tahutmes  II.,  25-29,  54,  55,  61, 

333- 

. ,,  monuments,  72. 

„  mummy,  74,  338, 

339- 

„  portrait,  75. 

,,  head    of    coffin, 

75« 
Tahutmes  III.,  25-33,  50, 54,  55, 

56,  61,  72. 

„  festival,  32. 

„  descent  of,  78. 

„  monuments,  97, 

126. 

„  family  v  99,  143. 

,,  dated       events, 

100. 
annals,  103. 


Tahutmes  III.,  portraits  of,  102, 

i37t  *3S- 
,,  obelisks  of,  132, 

*34- 
,,  a  great  builder, 

.    '36-         ,r 
,,  in        cuneiform, 

308. 
,,  list     of    towns, 

320. 

„  mummy,  339. 

Tahutmes  IV.,  25-29,  54,  56. 

monuments,  165. 
portrait  of,  168. 
scarabs  offr  171. 
offering  t6 

Osiris,  172. 
marriage,  181. 
in       cuneiform, 

308. 
Tahutmes,  son  of  Tahutmes  IV., 

171. 
Tahutmes,   son   of  Amenhotep 

III.,  203. 
Tahutmes,  officials,  A,  45  ;   B, 

142,  201  ;  C,  201. 
Tair,  35,  43,  334. 
Takheta,  100,  144. 
Takhetaui,  100,  144. 
Takhisi,  124,  156. 
Takhredqa,  7,  13,  334. 
Tanai,  123. 
Ta'nezemt,  46. 

Tank  of  Amenhotep  III.,  i&$» 
Tares,  181. 

Target,  shooting  at,  166. 
Tarobenika,  181. 
Tarosina,  181. 
Tartar,  181. 
Taui,  100,  144. 
Tayuhert,  340. 
Tell  el  Amarna,  205,  210,  etc., 

221,  251. 
,,         cuneiform  tablets, 


_        ,_       0 
Temahu,  48. 

Tenfhapi,  35,  43,  339. 
Teta'an,  Hyksos,  23,  36. 
Tetamerenptah,  257. 
Tethmosis,  25-29. 


INDEX 


353 


Thenau,  173. 
Thenfnub,  39. 
Thenuna,  164,  171. 
Thmosis,  25-29. 
Throw-stick  of  Thuau,  6. 
Thuau,  son  of  Seqenenra  T.,  5, 

6. 

Thuna,  172. 
.  Thuthu,  239,  242. 
Tita,  181. 
Tombs,  inspection  of,   5,  7,   15, 

48,  337-. 

Touthmosis,  25-29. 
Tugay,  144. 
Tunep,  101,  103,   109,  113,  122, 

181,  31 1. 
Turo,  67. 

Turrah  quarry,  36,  37,  188. 
Turs,  35,  42,  333,  334. 
Tursu,  181. 
Tutankhamen,    25-29,   32,   222, 

223,  232. 
.,  monuments, 

,,  portrait,  236. 

.,  inscription,  237. 

Tutu,  229,  308. 
Ty,  226,  242. 
,,    portrait,  239,  240. 
Tyi,  176,  187,  192,  202,  209, 
portrait  of,  182. 
origin  of,  182. 
influence  of,  183. 
reigned  alone,  203,  207. 
family,  204. 
in  cuneiform,  308. 
Tyuti,  39. 

UAAY,  TOO,  145. 

Uazifrenpitu,  90. 

Uazmes,  pr.,  7,  13,  46,  333,  334. 

,,         nursed  by  Paheri,  52. 

,,         temple  of,  57,  65. 

,,         official,  39. 
Uaz'shemsu,  69. 
Unfinished  state  of  monuments, 
158. 


Unnef,  38. 

Unnefer,  39. 

User,  142. 

Useramen,  100,  140. 

Userhat,    A,    68  ;    B,    142;    C, 

201. 

Usertesen  I.,  head  of,  149. 

VASKS,  with  contents  marked, 

57.  »39- 

,,        from  Syria,  brought  by 
captives, 
in. 
,,  ,,  of     copper, 

113- 

,,  ,,  with   goat's 

head,  1  16, 
1  18. 
.,        of  glass  and  stone,  139, 


!    WAN,  124. 

;    Wand,  of  ivory,  70. 

j         ,,       human-headed,  111. 

i    Wawat,     102,     115,     117,     r  1  8, 

1        121-3,  168. 

I    Women,  group  of,  219. 

,,        brought     into     Egypt 

(see  Syrians). 
Workmanship,  rapid,  87. 

VANKHAMA,  185. 
i    Yatibiri,  185,  310. 
i    Yehem,  104. 

:    Yenuamu  (Inuamma),  no,  311. 
j  ,,          man  of,  182.  * 

!    Yeruza,  104,  311. 

j    ZAHI  (Phoenicia),  35,  .101,  102, 

113,  117,  118,  119,  120. 
Zalu,  101,  103,  184,  252. 
Zamara  (see  Simyra). 
Zamerkau,  39. 
Zanunif  142,  171. 
Zay,  head  of,  149. 
Zed*ptah'auf*ankh,  340. 
Zefta,  105, 


11—23 


PRINTED    BY 

MOKKISON    AND   GIUB   LIMITED 
EDINBURGH 


lltli*